Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY



1800 - 1899
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
  BACK-1875 Part II NEXT-1876 Part II    
An Unfortunate Experiment
1870 - 1879
History at a Glance
1870 Part I
Alfonso XII
Leopold of Hohenzollern
"Ems Telegram"
Franco-Prussian War
Lenin Vladimir
Vladimir Lenin
Smuts Jan
1870 Part II
Adler Alfred
Keble College
Papal infallibility
Ludwig Anzengruber: "Der Pfarrer von Kirchfeld"
Bunin Ivan
Disraeli: "Lothair"
Kuprin Aleksandr
Ivan Goncharov: "The Precipice"
Jules Verne: "Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea"
1870 Part III
Barlach Ernst
Ernst Barlach
Corot: "La perle"
Dante Gabriel Rossetti: "Beata Beatrix"
Borisov-Musatov Victor
Victor Borisov-Musatov
Benois Alexandre
Alexandre Benois
Denis Maurice
Maurice Denis
Soldiers and Exiles
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Delibes: "Coppelia"
Tchaikovsky: "Romeo and Juliet"
Wagner: "Die Walkure"
Lehar Franz
Franz Lehar - Medley
Franz Lehar
Balfe Michael
Michael Balfe - "The Bohemian Girl"
1870 Part IV
Przhevalsky Nikolai
Peaks and Plateaus
Johnson Allen
Gloucestershire County Cricket Club
Luxemburg Rosa
Standard Oil Company
Lauder Harry
Lloyd Marie
1871 Part I
Siege of Paris
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Frankfurt
Paris Commune
Treaty of Washington
Law of Guarantees
British North America Act, 1871
Ebert Friedrich
1871 Part II
Old Catholics
Charles Darwin: "The Descent of Man"
Jehovah's Witnesses
Russell Charles Taze
John Ruskin: "Fors Clavigera"
Lewis Carroll: "Through the Looking Glass"
Crane Stephen
Dreiser Theodore
George Eliot: "Middlemarch"
Mann Heinrich
Morgenstern Christian
Ostrovsky: "The Forest"
Proust Marcel
Valery Paul
Zola: "Les Rougon-Macquart"
1871 Part III
Gabriele Rossetti: "The Dream of Dante"
White Clarence
History of photography
Clarence White
Rouault Georges
Georges Rouault
Feininger Lyonel
Lyonel Feininger
Balla Giacomo
Giacomo Balla
Sloan John
John Sloan
The 'Terror'of the Commune
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Royal Albert Hall
"The Internationale"
Verdi: "Aida"
1871 Part IV
Schweinfurth Georg August
Quotations by Georg August Schweinfurth
Stanley Henry
Henry Morton Stanley
Further Exploration of the Nile
Heinrich Schliemann begins to excavate Troy
Ingersoll Simon
Rutherford Ernest
The Industrialization of War
The Industrialization of War
Bank Holiday
Great Chicago Fire
1872 Part I
Third Carlist War
Carlist Wars
Burgers Thomas Francois
Ballot Act 1872
Amnesty Act of 1872
Blum Leon
Coolidge Calvin
1872 Part II
Russell Bertrand
Klages Ludwig
Beerbohm Max
Samuel Butler: "Erewhon, or Over the Range"
Alphonse Daudet: "Aventures prodigieuses de Tartarin de Tarascon"
Alphonse Daudet
"Tartarin de Tarascon"
Diaghilev Sergei
Duse Eleonora
Thomas Hardy: "Under the Greenwood Tree"
Turgenev: "A Month in the Country"
Jules Verne: "Around the World in 80 Days"
Lever Charles
1872 Part III
Bocklin: "Self-Portrait with Death"
Whistler: "The Artist's Mother"
Mondrian Piet
Piet Mondrian
Beardsley Aubrey
Aubrey Beardsley
The Rise of Durand-Ruel
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Scriabin Alexander
Scriabin - Etudes
Alexander Scriabin
Williams Vaughan
Williams - Fantasia on a Theme by Thomas Tallis
Vaughan Williams
1872 Part IV
Bleriot Louis
Tide-predicting machine
Westinghouse George
Elias Ney
Hague Congress
Scotland v England (1872)
Scott Charles Prestwich
Nansen Ski Club
1873 Part I
First Spanish Republic
Mac-Mahon Patrice
Financial Panic of 1873
League of the Three Emperors
Bengal famine of 1873–1874
1873 Part II
Moore G. E.
Barbusse Henri
Ford Madox Ford
Maurier Gerald
Reinhardt Max
Rimbaud: "Une Saison en enfer"
Tolstoi: "Anna Karenina"
Bryusov Valery
1873 Part III
Cezanne: "A Modern Olympia"
Gulbransson Olaf
Manet: "Le bon Bock"
Gathering of the Future Impressionists
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Bruckner: Symphony No. 2
Carl Rosa Opera Company
Caruso Enrico
Enrico Caruso - Pagliacci No!
The greatest opera singers
Enrico Caruso
Chaliapin Feodor
Feodor Chaliapin - "Black Eyes"
The greatest opera singers
Feodor Chaliapin
Reger Max
Max Reger - Piano Concerto in F-minor
Max Reger
Rachmaninoff Sergei
Rachmaninoff plays Piano Concerto 2
Sergei Rachmaninov
Rimsky-Korsakov: "The Maid of Pskov"
Tchaikovsky: Symphony No. 2
Slezak Leo
Leo Slezak "Wenn ich vergnugt bin" 
The greatest opera singers
Leo Slezak
1873 Part IV
James Clerk Maxwell: "Electricity and Magnetism"
Euler-Chelpin Hans
Frobenius Leo
Payer Julius
Weyprecht Karl
Franz Josef Land
Cameron Verney Lovett
E. Remington and Sons
Remington Eliphalet
Hansen Gerhard Armauer
World Exposition 1873 Vienna
Wingfield Walter Clopton
1874 Part I
Anglo-Ashanti Wars (1823-1900)
Brooks–Baxter War
Swiss constitutional referendum, 1874
Colony of Fiji
Hoover Herbert
Weizmann Chaim
Churchill Winston
1874 Part II
Berdyaev Nikolai
Cassirer Ernst
Chesterton Gilbert
G.K. Chesterton quotes
G.K. Chesterton 
Flaubert: "La Tentation de Saint Antoine"
Frost Robert
Robert Frost
Thomas Hardy: "Far from the Madding Crowd"
Hofmannsthal Hugo
Hugo von Hofmannsthal
Victor Hugo: "Ninety-Three"
Maugham Somerset
Stein Gertrude
1874 Part III
Roerich Nicholas
Nicholas Roerich
Max Liebermann: "Market Scene"
Renoir: "La Loge"
The Birth of Impressionism
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Schmidt Franz
Franz Schmidt "Intermezzo" Notre Dame
Franz Schmidt
Schoenberg Arnold
Schoenberg: Verklarte Nacht
Arnold Schoenberg
Holst Gustav
Gustav Holst - Venus
Gustav Holst
Ives Charles
Charles Ives - Symphony 3
Charles Ives
Moussorgsky "Boris Godunov"
Johann Strauss II: "Die Fledermaus"
Verdi: "Requiem"
1874 Part IV
Bosch Carl
Marconi Guglielmo
Curtius Ernst
Shackleton Ernest
Stanley: Expedition to the Congo and Nile
Still Andrew Taylor
Bunker Chang and Eng
Universal Postal Union
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children
Gerry Elbridge Thomas
Outerbridge Mary Ewing
1875 Part I
Guangxu Emperor
Herzegovina Uprising of 1875–77
Public Health Act 1875
Congregations Law of 1875
Theosophical Society
Jung Carl
Congregations Law of 1875
Buchan John
Deledda Grazia
Mann Thomas
Rejane Gabrielle
Rilke Rainer Maria
1875 Part II
Bouguereau William-Adolphe
William-Adolphe Bouguereau
Monet: "Woman with a Parasol"
An Unfortunate Experiment
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Bizet: "Carmen"
Brull Ignaz
Ignaz Brull - Das goldene Kreuz
Coleridge-Taylor Samuel
Coleridge Taylor Samuel - Violin Concerto
Samuel Coleridge-Taylor
Karl Goldmark: "Die Konigin von Saba"
Ravel Maurice
Ravel - Rapsodie espagnole
Maurice Ravel
Tchaikovsky: Piano Concerto No.1
Boisbaudran Lecoq
Schweitzer Albert
Webb Matthew
1876 Part I
Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876
Ethio-Egyptian War
April Uprising
Batak massacre
Murad V
Abdulhamid II
Serbian–Ottoman War (1876–78)
Montenegrin–Ottoman War (1876–78)
Tilden Samuel Jones
Hayes Rutherford Birchard
Ottoman constitution of 1876
Groselle Hilarion Daza
Adenauer Konrad
1876 Part II
Bradley Francis Herbert
Trevelyan George Macaulay
Pius XII
Felix Dahn: "Ein Kampf um Rom"
London Jack
Mallarme: "L'Apres-Midi d'un faune"
Mark Twain: "The Adventures of Tom Sawyer"
Modersohn-Becker Paula
Paula Modersohn-Becker
Renoir: "Le Moulin de la Galette"
Impressionism Timeline
1876 Part III
Brahms: Symphony No. 1
Casals Pablo
Leo Delibes: "Sylvia"
Falla Manuel
Manuel de Falla - Spanish dance
Manuel de Falla
Ponchielli: "La Gioconda"
Wagner: "Siegfried"
Walter Bruno
Wolf-Ferrari Ermanno
Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari - "Intermezzo"
Alexander Bell invents the telephone
Johns Hopkins University
Hopkins Johns
Bacillus anthracis
Macleod John James Rickard
Brockway Zebulon Reed
Centennial International Exhibition of 1876
1877 Part I
Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78
Siege of Plevna
Satsuma Rebellion
1877 Part II
Granville-Barker Harley
Hesse Hermann
Hermann Hesse
Ibsen: "The Pillars of Society"
Henry James: "The American"
Zola: "L'Assommoir"
Praxiteles: "Hermes"
Dufy Raoul
Raoul Dufy
Winslow Homer: "The Cotton Pickers"
Kubin Alfred
Alfred Kubin
Manet: "Nana"
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
1877 Part III
Brahms: Symphony No. 2
Dohnanyi Ernst
Erno Dohnanyi - Piano Concerto No. 1
Camille Saint-Saens: "Samson et Delila"
Tchaikovsky: "Francesca da Rimini"
Ruffo Titta
Titta Ruffo: Di Provenza
Aston Francis William
Barkla Charles
Cailletet Louis-Paul
Pictet Raoul-Pierre
Liquid oxygen
Schiaparelli observes Mars' canals
Martian canal
German patent law
Madras famine of 1877
Maginot Andre
1878 Part I
Umberto I
Ten Years War 1868-1878
Battle of Shipka Pass
Epirus Revolt of 1878
Treaty of San Stefano
Treaty of Berlin 1878
Anti-Socialist Laws
Italian irredentism
Stresemann Gustav
1878 Part II
Buber Martin
Romanes George John
Treitschke Heinrich
Stoecker Adolf
Christian Social Party
Thomas Hardy: "The Return of the Native"
Kaiser Georg
Masefield John
Sandburg Carl
Sinclair Upton
1878 Part III
Malevich Kazimir
Kazimir Malevich
Kustodiev Boris
Boris Kustodiev
Petrov-Vodkin Kuzma
Kuzma Petrov-Vodkin
Multiple Disappointments
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Ambros August Wilhelm
Boughton Rutland
Boughton: The Queen of Cornwall
1878 Part IV
Mannlicher Ferdinand Ritter
Pope Albert Augustus
Watson John
Blunt and Lady Anne traveled in Arabia
Blunt Anne
Benz Karl
New Scotland Yard
Deutscher Fussballverein, Hanover
Paris World Exhibition 1878
1879 Part I
Anglo-Zulu War
Alexander of Battenberg
Second Anglo–Afghan War (1878-1880)
Treaty of Gandamak
Tewfik Pasha
Stalin Joseph
Joseph Stalin
Trotsky Leon
1879 Part II
Beveridge William
Henry George: "Progress and Poverty"
Giffen Robert
Forster Edward Morgan
Ibsen: "A Doll's House"
Henry James: "Daisy Miller"
Meredith: "The Egoist"
Stevenson: "Travels with a Donkey"
Strindberg: "The Red Room"
Valera Juan
1879 Part III
Picabia Francis
Francis Picabia
Steichen Edward Jean
Edward Steichen
Cameron Julia Margaret
Cameron Julia
Klee Paul
Paul Klee
Renoir: "Mme. Charpentier"
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Suppe: "Boccaccio"
Tchaikovsky: "Eugene Onegin"
Respighi Ottorino
Respighi - Three Botticelli Pictures
Ottorino Respighi
Bridge Frank
Frank Bridge - The Sea
Einstein Albert
Albert Einstein
Aitken Maxwell

Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
1876 Part I
Korea becomes an independent nation
Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876

The Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876, also known as the The Japan-Korea Treaty of Amity in Japanese or Treaty of Ganghwa Island in Korean, was made between representatives of the Empire of Japan and the Joseon Kingdom in 1876. Negotiations were concluded on February 26, 1876.


The landing of the forces of the Un'yō at Ganghwa Island in 1875.
After the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century, European nations began to colonize many other nations in Africa and Asia under the political ideology known as Imperialism. Almost all of Africa was colonized by European Powers; most of Central, South and Southeast Asia including India were taken over by various European nations. East Asia also was invaded by foreign powers, beginning with the First Opium War (1839–1842) and Second Opium War (1856–1860) against China fought by Britain and other western powers; China's empire was reduced to a half-colonized territory. Meanwhile, the American Asiatic Squadron under the leadership of Matthew C. Perry forced Japan to open its ports to the western world in 1854.

Humiliated by unequal treaties and the prospect of losing its independence and integrity to imperialist powers, Japan embarked on a rapid transformation, successfully turning itself from a medieval society into a modern industrialized state.


The Imperial Japanese Navy, in Pusan, on its way to Ganghwa Island, Korea, January 16th, 1876. There were 2 warships (Nisshin, Moshun), 3 troop transports, and one liner for the embassy led by Kuroda Kiyotaka.
Ganghwa incident
In Korea, the strong dictatorship of Heungseon Daewongun was overthrown by Queen Min, who instituted a policy of closing doors to European powers. France and United States had already made several unsuccessful attempts to begin commerce with the Joseon Dynasty, all of them happening during Heungseon Daewongun's era. However, after he was removed from power, many new officials who supported the idea of opening commerce with foreigners took power. While there was political instability, Japan developed a plan to open and exert influence on Korea before a European power could. In 1875, their plan was put into action: the Un'yō, a small Japanese warship under the command of Inoue Yoshika, was dispatched to survey coastal waters without Korean permission.

On September 20 the ship reached Ganghwa Island, which had been a site of violent confrontations between Korean forces and foreign forces in the previous decade. In 1866, the island was briefly occupied by the French, and also in 1871 subject to American intervention. The memories of those confrontations were very fresh, and there was little question that the Korean garrison would shoot at any approaching foreign ship. Nonetheless, Commander Inoue ordered a small boat launched – allegedly in search of drinkable water. The Korean forts opened fire. The Un'yō brought its superior firepower to bear and silenced the Korean guns. Then it attacked another Korean port and withdrew back to Japan.


Ganghwa Treaty
Treaty provisions
Japan employed gunboat diplomacy to press Korea to sign this unequal treaty. The pact opened up Korea, as Commodore Matthew Perry's fleet of Black Ships had opened up Japan in 1853. According to the treaty, it ended Joseon's status as a tributary state of Qing dynasty and opened three ports to Japanese trade. The Treaty also granted Japanese many of the same rights in Korea that Westerners enjoyed in Japan, such as extraterritoriality.

The chief treaty negotiators were Kuroda Kiyotaka, Governor of Hokkaidō, and Shin Heon, General/Minister of Joseon Dynasty Korea.


Japan-Korea Treaty of Amity, 26 February 1876. Diplomatic Record Office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The articles of the treaty were as follows:

Article 1 stated that Korea was a free nation, "...an independent state enjoying the same sovereign rights as does Japan." The Japanese statement is in an attempt to detach Korea once and for all from its traditional tributary relationship with China.
Article 2 stipulated that Japan and Korea would exchange envoys within fifteen months and permanently maintain diplomatic missions in each country. The Japanese would confer with the Ministry of Rites; the Korean envoy would be received by the Foreign Office.
Under Article 3, Japan would use the Japanese and Chinese languages in diplomatic communiques, while Korea would use only Chinese.
Article 4 terminated Tsushima's centuries-old role as a diplomatic intermediary by abolishing all agreements then existing between Korea and Tsushima.
In addition to the open port of Pusan, Article 5 authorized the search in Kyongsang, Kyonggi, Chungchong, Cholla, and Hamgyung Provinces for two more suitable seaports for Japanese trade to be opened in October 1877.

Article 6 secured aid and support for ships stranded or wrecked along the Korea or Japanese coasts.
Article 7 permitted any Japanese mariner to conduct surveys and mapping operations at will in the seas off the Korean peninsula's coastline.
Article 8 permitted Japanese merchants residence, unhindered trade, and the right to lease land and buildings for those purposes in the open ports.
Article 9 guaranteed the freedom to conduct business without interference from either government and to trade without restrictions or prohibitions.
Article 10 granted Japan the right of extraterritoriality, the one feature of previous Western treaties that was most widely resented in Asia. It not only gave foreigners a free rein to commit crimes with relative impunity, but its inclusion implied the grantor nation's system of law was either primitive, unjust, or both.


Four Gatling guns set up in Ganghwa by Japanese troops. 1876 Kuroda mission.
The following year saw a Japanese fleet led by Special Envoy Kuroda Kiyotaka coming over to Korea, demanding an apology from the Joseon government and a commercial treaty between the two nations. The Korean government decided to accept the demand, in hope of importing some technologies to defend the country from any future invasions.

However, the treaty would eventually turn out to be the first of many unequal treaties signed by Korea; It gave extraterritorial rights to Japanese citizens in Korea, and forced the Korean government to open 3 ports to Japan, specifically Busan, Incheon and Wonsan. With the signing of its first unequal treaty, Korea became vulnerable to the influence of imperialistic powers; and later the treaty led Korea to be annexed by Japan.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ethiopians defeated Egyptian forces at Gura
Ethio-Egyptian War

The Ethio-Egyptian War was a war between the Ethiopian Empire and the Khedivate of Egypt from 1874 to 1876, resulting in an Ethiopian victory.

Egypt under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, led by Isma'il Pasha, the Khedive of Egypt, sought to expand his reign to the land of Abyssinia and control the Blue Nile. Isma'il Pasha became the ruler of Egypt in 1863. After annexing Darfur in 1875, he turned his attention to Ethiopia. He wished to create an empire covering the whole of the Nile River, much of which is in Ethiopia, and to do this he built a large army, recruiting many European and American officers. Yohannes IV became the emperor of Ethiopia in 1872 after defeating Tekle Giyorgis II in battle. He worked on modernizing his army, some of whom were trained by the British adventurer John Kirkham.

Yohannes IV of Ethiopia
Isma'il Pasha of Egypt
The Egyptians invaded from their coastal possessions in what is now Eritrea. The armies of Yohannes and Isma'il met at Gundat on the morning of 16 November 1875. The Egyptians were vastly outnumbered and their forces were completely destroyed. News of this huge defeat was suppressed in Egypt for fear that it would undermine the government of the Khedive. The Egyptians tried again to invade from the north, but were again defeated at the battle of Gura in March 1876.

The Battle of Gura was fought on March 7-9, 1876 between the Ethiopian Empire and the Khedivate of Egypt near the town of Gura in Eritrea. It was the decisive battle of the Ethiopian–Egyptian War. It saw the crushing rout of the vastly-outnumbered invading Egyptian force at the hands of the defending Ethiopian force.

Ethiopia and Egypt remained in a state of tension, which largely abated after the 1884 Hewett Treaty.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

April Uprising

The April Uprising (Bulgarian: Априлско въстание, Aprilsko vastanie) was an insurrection organised by the Bulgarians in the Ottoman Empire from April to May 1876, which indirectly resulted in the re-establishment of Bulgaria in 1878. Тhe regular Ottoman Army and irregular bashi-bazouk units brutally suppressed the rebels, leading to a public outcry in Europe and the United States, with many famous intellectuals condemning the Ottoman atrocities and supporting the oppressed Bulgarian population.

The 1876 uprising involved only those parts of the Ottoman territories populated predominantly by Bulgarians. The emergence of Bulgarian national sentiments was closely related to the re-establishment of the independent Bulgarian Orthodox Church in 1870. Together with notions of romantic nationalism, the rise of national awareness became known as the Bulgarian National Revival.
In Europe, in the eighteenth century, the classic non-national states were the multi-ethnic empires such as the Ottoman Empire, ruled by a Sultan and the population belonged to many ethnic groups, which spoke many languages. The idea of nation state was an increasing emphasis during the 19th century, on the ethnic and racial origins of the nations. The most noticeable characteristic was the degree to which nation states use the state as an instrument of national unity, in economic, social and cultural life. By the 18th century, the Ottomans had fallen well behind the rest of Europe in science, technology, and industry. However, the Bulgarian population was also suppressed socially and politically under Ottoman rule. Additionally, more immediate causes for the greater mobilisation compared to earlier revolts were the severe internal and external problems which the Ottoman Empire experienced in the middle of the 1870s. In 1875, taxes levied on non-Muslims were raised for fear of a state bankruptcy, which, in turn, caused additional tension between Muslims and Christians and facilitated the breakout of the Herzegovinian rebellion and the Stara Zagora revolt in Bulgaria. The failure of the Ottomans to handle the Herzegovinian uprising successfully showed the weakness of the Ottoman state while the brutalities which ensued, discredited additionally the empire to the outside world. In the late 19th century European ideas of nationalism were adopted by the Bulgarian elite.
In November 1875, activists of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee met in the Romanian town of Giurgiu and decided that the political situation was suitable for a general uprising. The uprising was scheduled for April or May 1876. The territory of the country was divided into five revolutionary districts with centers in Vratsa (leader-Stoyan Zaimov), Veliko Tarnovo (Stefan Stambolov), Sliven (Ilarion Dragostinov), Plovdiv (Panayot Volov-later given up his position to his assistant Georgi Benkovski) and Sofia (Nikola Obretenov).

The rebels had been hoarding arms and ammunition for some time and even constructed makeshift cannon out of cherry-wood.

In the progress of the preparation of the uprising, the organisers gave up the idea of a fifth revolutionary district in Sofia due to the deplorable situation of the local revolutionary committees and moved the centre of the fourth revolutionary district from Plovdiv to Panagyurishte. On 14 April 1876, a general meeting of the committees from the fourth revolutionary district was held in the Oborishte locality near Panagyurishte to discuss the proclamation of the insurrection. One of the delegates, however, disclosed the plot to the Ottoman authorities. On 2 May [O.S. 20 April] 1876, Ottoman police made an attempt to arrest the leader of the local revolutionary committee in Koprivshtitsa, Todor Kableshkov.


Outbreak and suppression
In conformity with the decisions taken at Oborishte, on 20 April 1876 the local rebel committee attacked and surrounded the headquarters of the Ottoman police in Koprivshtitsa commanded by Necip Aga. At least two Ottoman police officials were killed and Necip Aga was forced to release arrested Bulgarian rebel suspects. Necip Aga and his close officials managed to escape the siege. However, due to this incident the Bulgarian rebels had to proclaim the insurrection two weeks in advance of the planned date. Within several days, the rebellion spread to the whole Sredna Gora and to a number of towns and villages in the northwestern Rhodopes. The insurrection broke out in the other revolutionary districts, as well, though on a much smaller scale. The areas of Gabrovo, Tryavna, and Pavlikeni also revolted in force, as well as several villages north and south of Sliven and near Berovo (in the present-day Republic of Macedonia).

The rebels attacked Muslim civilians as well as Ottoman officials and police. The number of civilians killed by the rebels is disputed. This violence is cited as provocation for the violence of Turkish forces against Bulgarian civilians during the suppression of the rebellion.

According to a contemporary report by Walter Baring, a secretary of the British Embassy to the Ottoman Empire, the Muslim civilian population was not significantly affected. This was also substantiated by the reports of Eugene Schuyler and James F. Clarke, according to whom very few peaceful Muslims were killed. This has been accepted by modern historians; for example, according to Richard Shannon less than 200 Muslims were killed, very few of them non-combatants. In fact, according to the report written by Schuyler and American journalist Januarius MacGahan, even the Ottoman government did not claim more than 500 Muslims killed, most of them in battle. (MacGahan was a close friend of Russian general Mikhail Skobelev, whom he accompanied while covering the Russo-Turkish War, including the Siege of Plevna; he was married to a Russian noblewoman. MacGahan was already favored in the Russian court after his coverage of the Siege of Khiva with the Russian Army.


Regions involved in the Stara Zagora and April revolts. The borders of the Bulgarian Principality, according to the Constantinople Conference of 1876, are indicated.

American historian Justin McCarthy claims that during the revolts over 1,000 Muslims were slaughtered and many more expelled. Stanford Shaw claims that many more Muslims were killed during the April Uprising than Christians. According to Barbara Jelavich, the beginning of the April Uprising was accompanied by a massacre of Muslim civilians (without specifying casualties).

The Ottoman response was immediate and severe. They mobilized detachments of regular troops and also irregular bashi-bazouks. These forces attacked the first insurgent towns as early as 25 April. The Turkish forces massacred civilian populations, the principal places being Panagurishte, Perushtitza, Bratzigovo, and Batak. By the middle of May, the insurrection was completely suppressed; one of the last sparks of resistance was poet Hristo Botev's attempt to come to the rebels' rescue with a detachment of Bulgarian political émigrés resident in Romania, ending with the unit's rout and Botev's death.

The most detailed contemporaneous account was that of Eugene Schuyler. After visiting some of the sites, Schuyler published a report detailing the atrocities. He reported that fifty-eight villages had been destroyed, five monasteries demolished, and fifteen thousand rebels killed. The American historian Richard Milliman states that Schuyler visited personally only 11 of the villages he reported on. Schuyler, however certainly visited Batak and many other of the destroyed towns and villages, including Perushtitsa  and Panagyurishte. Millman also claims that the accepted reality of the massacres is largely a myth. Contemporary Bulgarian historians generally accept the number of Bulgarian casualties at the end of the uprising to be around 30,000. According to British and French figures, 12,000–15,000 Bulgarian civilians were massacred during the uprising.


“ But let me tell you what we saw at Batak ... The number of children killed in these massacres is something enormous. They were often spitted on bayonets, and we have several stories from eye-witnesses who saw the little babes carried about the streets, both here and at Olluk-Kni, on the points of bayonets. The reason is simple. When a Mohammedan has killed a certain number of infidels he is sure of Paradise, no matter what his sins may be ... It was a heap of skulls, intermingled with bones from all parts of the human body, skeletons nearly entire and rotting, clothing, human hair and putrid flesh lying there in one foul heap, around which the grass was growing luxuriantly. It emitted a sickening odor, like that of a dead horse, and it was here that the dogs had been seeking a hasty repast when our untimely approach interrupted them ... The ground is covered here with skeletons, to which are clinging articles of clothing and bits of putrid flesh. The air was heavy, with a faint, sickening odor, that grows stronger as we advance. It is beginning to be horrible. ”

— Eyewitness account of J. A. MacGahan on Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria, in a letter to the London Daily News of August 22, 1876


April Uprising
News of massacres of Bulgarians reached European embassies in Istanbul in May and June 1876 through Bulgarian students at Robert College, the American college in the city. Faculty members at Robert College wrote to the British Ambassador and to the Istanbul correspondents of The Times and the London Daily News.

An article about the massacres in the Daily News on 23 June provoked a question in Parliament about Britain's support for Turkey, and demands for an investigation. Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli promised to conduct an investigation about what had really happened.

In July, the British Embassy in Istanbul sent a second secretary, Walter Baring, to Bulgaria to investigate the stories of atrocities. Baring did not speak Bulgarian (although he did speak Turkish) and British policy was officially pro-Turkish, so the Bulgarian community in Istanbul feared he would not report the complete story. They asked the American Consul in Istanbul, Eugene Schuyler, to conduct his own investigation.

Schuyler set off for Bulgaria on 23 July, four days after Baring. He was accompanied by a well-known American war correspondent, Januarius MacGahan, by a German correspondent, and by a Russian diplomat, Prince Aleksei Tseretelev.

Schuyler's group spent three weeks visiting Batak and other villages where massacres had taken place. Schuyler's official report, published in November 1876, said that fifty-eight villages in Bulgaria had been destroyed, five monasteries demolished, and fifteen thousand people in all massacred. The report was reprinted as a booklet and widely circulated in Europe.

Baring's report to the British government about the massacres was similar, but put the number of victims at about twelve thousand.

A century later, one historian claimed that the number killed was exaggerated, and was closer to three thousand. But it is difficult to ignore the accounts of MacGahan, Schuyler and Baring, who visited the massacre sites three months after they occurred, and saw many of the unburied corpses. The actual number of victims will never be known.

MacGahan's vivid articles from Bulgaria moved British public opinion against Turkey. He described in particular what he had seen in the town of Batak, where five thousand of a total of seven thousand residents had been slaughtered, beheaded or burned alive by Turkish irregulars, and their bodies left in piles around the town square and the church. He described "Skulls with gray hair still attached to them, dark tresses which had once adorned the heads of maidens, the mutilated trunks of men, the rotting limbs of children ..."

The political impact of the reports was immediate and dramatic. The leader of the British opposition, William Ewart Gladstone, wrote a booklet denouncing what he called "the Bulgarian Horrors", and calling upon Britain to withdraw its support for Turkey. "I entreat my countrymen", he wrote, "upon whom far more than upon any other people in Europe it depends, to require and to insist that our government, which has been working in one direction, shall work in the other, and shall apply all its vigor to concur with the states of Europe in obtaining the extinction of the Turkish executive power in Bulgaria. Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner, namely, by carrying off themselves ..."

Konstantin Makovsky (1839–1915).
The Bulgarian Martyresses (1877).
Prominent Europeans, including Charles Darwin, Oscar Wilde, Victor Hugo, and Giuseppe Garibaldi, spoke against the Turkish behavior in Bulgaria. When the war with Russia started in 1877, the Turkish Government asked Britain for help, but the British government refused, citing public outrage caused by the Bulgarian massacres as the reason.

The April uprising was a failure as a revolution, but due to publicity that was given to the reprisals that followed, it led directly to European demands for reform of the Ottoman Empire, and the Russo-Turkish War, which ended in Turkish defeat, and the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano in March 1878, followed in July that year by the Treaty of Berlin. It thus ultimately achieved its original purpose, the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman Empire.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Batak massacre

Batak massacre refers to the massacre of Bulgarians in Batak by Ottoman irregular troops in 1876 at the beginning of the April Uprising. The number of victims ranges from 1,200 to 7,000, depending on the source.

Uprising in Batak
The role of Batak in the April Uprising was to take possession of the storehouses in the surrounding villages and to ensure that the insurgents would have provisions, also to block the main ways and keep the Turkish soldiers from receiving supplies. The task of Batak was to manage with the Pomak villages (Chepino and Korovo) should those try to prevent the uprising. Should the chetas in the nearby locations fail in their commands, the rest should have gathered in Batak. The only problem the organization of the uprising had expected was that Batak had to defend itself alone against the Turkish troops, but the risk was taken. After the April uprising started on 30 April 1876, part of the armed men in Batak, led by the voivode Petar Goranov, attacked the Turks. They succeeded to eliminate part of the Ottoman leaders, but were reported to the authorities and 5,000 Bashi-bazouk were sent, mainly Pomaks (Slavic Muslims), led by Ahmet Aga from Barutin which surrounded the town. At that time the Pomaks were a part of the Ottoman Muslim Millet. After a first battle, the men from Batak decided to negotiate with Ahmet Aga. He promised them the withdrawal of his troops under the condition that Batak disarmed. After the rebels had laid down their weapons, the Bashi-bazouk attacked them and beheaded them.

Postcard depicting human remains from the Batak massacre. Author and date of the postcard is unknown.
While some of the leaders of the Revolutionary committee were surrendering the weapons, some managed to escape the village, but immediately after that all the territory was surrounded and no one else was let out. The Bashi-Bozouk went to the houses and raided them; many were burnt and they shot at everyone and everything. Many of the people decided to hide into the houses of the wealthy or in the church, which had a stronger construction and was going to protect them from the fire. On 2 May, those hidden in the House of Bogdan surrendered, because they were promised by Ahmet Aga to be spared.

More than 200 men, women and children were led out, stripped out of their valuables and clothes, in order not to stain them with their blood, and were brutally killed. The Aga asked some of the wealthy men of Batak to go to his camp and lay down all the arms of the villagers. Amongst them was the mayor Trendafil Toshev Kerelov and his son, Petar Trandafilov Kerelov. They had reached an agreement that if the village was disarmed, the Pomaks will leave Batak for good. But instead, the Bulgarians were caught captive – once the arms were confiscated, all of them were beheaded, burnt alive or impaled. The murder of the leader Trendafil Kerelov was particularly violent and was described by a witness – his son's wife Bosilka:

“My father in law went to meet the Bashi-Bаzouk when the village was surrounded by the men of Ahmet Aga, who said that he wanted all the arms laid down. Trendafil went to collect them from the villagers. 

  When he surrendered the arms, they shot him with a gun and the bullet scratched his eye. Then I heard Ahmet Aga command with his own mouth for Trendafil to be impaled and burnt. The words he used were "Shishak aor" which is Turkish for "to put on a skewer (as a shish kebab).

After that, they took all the money he had, undressed him, gouged his eyes, pulled out his teeth and impaled him slowly on a stake, until it came out of his mouth. Then they roasted him while he was still alive. He lived for half-an-hour during this terrible scene. At the time, I was near Ahmet Aga with other Bulgarian women. We were surrounded by Bashi-Bozouk, who had us surrounded, and forced us to watch what was happening to Trendafil.“ One of her children, Vladimir, who was still a baby at his mother's breast, was impaled on a sword in front of her eyes. “At the time this was happening, Ahmet Aga's son took my child from my back and cut him to pieces, there in front of me. The burnt bones of Trendafil stood there for one month and only then they were buried.”

Januarius MacGahan, a journalist of the New York Herald and the London Daily News wrote of the terrible happenings after his visitation to Batak with Eugene Schuyler. They describe the burned and destroyed city with the stench of the rotting of thousands of piled dismembered corpses and skeletons of the innocent victims including young women, children and unborn babies torn out from the wombs of their pregnant mothers.

The orthodox church "Sveta Nedelya" was the last keep of the rebels. Bashi-bazouk destroyed the school, where 200 people were burnt alive, hidden in the basement. Then they went straight to the church, where they dug holes into the fence of the yard and started to shoot at everyone there. The most terrifying chapter of the massacre happened on the night of 2 May 1876 in that very yard. On the morning of 3 May the Pomaks took the yard and advanced to the door of the church, but weren’t able to get in – the door was barred by the people inside. The defense of the church held for three days, the Turkish were shooting ceaselessly at the villagers to make them surrender. Some tried to enter the church from the roof, but were unsuccessful, although they were able to shoot some of the people inside. There was no water in the church, so the barricaded had to resort to the oil of the lamps and the blood of their own dead. They tried to dig into the floor with bare hands in order to find underground water. On the third day the survivors decided to go outside, when they realized their fate was decided. When they opened the doors of the church Ahmet Aga was waiting for them with his Bashi-bozouk. A ruthless beheading followed and only those who accepted to be converted to Islam were spared. The plans of the Ottoman leader were to populate the village with the converted villagers, but it turned out that there were not enough of them. Before the Bashi-bozouk left the village, they burnt the church, but the stone walls were preserved and only the wooden furniture and the icons were destroyed. When some Russian commissions were to go and inspect the village, 3 months later, the Ottoman authorities tried to bury the bodies, but they could not hide the smell in the air. They also painted the walls of the church, but the blood stains showed up in time.

After the massacre in the church, Ahmet Aga summoned all the surviving villagers outside, saying that it would be in order to make a list of the slain and the widows. The better part of the survivors gathered, since those who did not obey would be killed. They were divided in two groups of women and men; then the Ottoman commander made the women stand back and slew all the remaining 300 men. Those women who protested were also raped and killed. On the same day there were another 300 people murdered on the wooden bridge beside the school, first their arms were cut off, then their ears, noses, shoulders, and only after that they were finished.


Antoni Piotrowski. The Batak Massacre. 1889
Batak after the massacre
According to the most sources, around 5,000 people were massacred in Batak alone. The total number of victims in the April uprising according to most estimates around 15,000, which is supported by Eugene Schuyler's report, published in Daily News, according to which at least 15,000 persons were killed during the April Uprising in addition to 36 villages in three districts being buried. According to Donald Quataert around 1,000 Muslims were killed by Christian Bulgarians and consequently 3,700 Christians were killed by Muslims. A contemporary British report mentioned that only 46 Muslim men and no women and children were killed. In his work "The Bulgarian Massacres Reconsidered.”, which has been described as pro-Turkish, the American historian Richard Milliman states that Schuyler visited personally only 11 of the villages he reported on. Millman also claims that the accepted reality of the massacres is largely a myth.

Schuyler described the things he saw:

"...On every side were human bones, skulls, ribs, and even complete skeletons, heads of girls still adorned with braids of long hair, bones of children, skeletons still encased in clothing. Here was a house the floor of which was white with the ashes and charred bones of thirty persons burned alive there. Here was the spot where the village notable Trendafil was spitted on a pike and then roasted, and where he is now buried; there was a foul hole full of decomposing bodies; here a mill dam filled with swollen corpses; here the school house, where 200 women and children had taken refuge there were burned alive, and here the church and churchyard, where fully a thousand half-decayed forms were still to be seen, filling the enclosure in a heap several feet high, arms, feet, and heads protruding from the stones which had vainly been thrown there to hide them, and poisoning all the air.

"Since my visit, by orders of the Mutessarif, the Kaimakam of Tatar Bazardjik was sent to Batak, with some lime to aid in the decomposition of the bodies, and to prevent a pestilence.

"Ahmed Aga, who commanded at the massacre, has been decorated and promoted to the rank of Yuz-bashi..."

Another witness to the aftermath of the Massacre is American journalist Januarius MacGahan who described what he saw as follows:

"There was not a roof left, not a whole wall standing; all was a mass of ruins... We looked again at the heap of skulls and skeletons before us, and we observed that they were all small and that the articles of clothing intermingled with them and lying about were all women's apparel. These, then, were all women and girls. From my saddle I counted about a hundred skulls, not including those that were hidden beneath the others in the ghastly heap nor those that were scattered far and wide through the fields. The skulls were nearly all separated from the rest of the bones – the skeletons were nearly all headless. These women had all been beheaded...and the procedure seems to have been, as follows: They would seize a woman, strip her carefully to her chemise, laying aside articles of clothing that were valuable, with any ornaments and jewels she might have about her. Then as many of them as cared would violate her, and the last man would kill her or not as the humour took him....We looked into the church which had been blackened by the burning of the woodwork, but not destroyed, nor even much injured. It was a low building with a low roof, supported by heavy irregular arches, that as we looked in seemed scarcely high enough for a tall man to stand under. What we saw there was too frightful for more than a hasty glance. An immense number of bodies had been partially burnt there and the charred and blackened remains seemed to fill it half way up to the low dark arches and make them lower and darker still, were lying in a state of putrefaction too frightful to look upon. I had never imagined anything so horrible. We all turned away sick and faint, and staggered out of the fearful pest house glad to get into the street again. We walked about the place and saw the same thing repeated over and over a hundred times. Skeletons of men with the clothing and flesh still hanging to and rotting together; skulls of women, with the hair dragging in the dust. bones of children and infants everywhere. Here they show us a house where twenty people were burned alive; there another where a dozen girls had taken refuge, and been slaughtered to the last one, as their bones amply testified. Everywhere horrors upon horrors..."

The British commissioner, Mr. Baring describes the event "as perhaps the most heinous crime that has stained the history of the present century". In October Mr. Baring had to report again on the proceedings of the Turkish commission. After six weeks from the closing of the committee it had not been decided whether or not the Batak Massacre was a crime.

Accusations of revisionism
In May 2007, a public conference was scheduled in Bulgaria by Martina Baleva and Ulf Brunnbauer aiming to present research in an effort to form the official report of the events of the Batak Massacre. Bulgarian media reported that the authors were denying the massacre, which gave rise to a substantial media controversy.

On 3 April 2011, Batak massacre victims were canonized as saints, something that had not happened for more than a century.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sultan Abdul Aziz (Abdulaziz) deposed in May;
his successor, Murad V, deposed in August and succeeded by Abdul Hamid II (—1909)

Sarcophagus of Sultan Abdülaziz in the mausoleum of his father, Sultan Mahmud II. Some of the Sultans' descendants are also buried nearby.
Murad V

Murad V, (born Sept. 21, 1840, Constantinople, Ottoman Empire [now Istanbul, Tur.]—died Aug. 29, 1904, Constantinople), Ottoman sultan from May to August 1876, whose liberal disposition brought him to the throne after the deposition of his autocratic uncle Abdulaziz.


Murad V
  A man of high intelligence, Murad received a good education and was widely read in both Turkish and European literature.

In 1867 he accompanied Abdülaziz on his European tour and made a favourable impression; during the tour he secretly contacted exiled nationalist-liberal Young Turks, for which Abdülaziz placed him under close surveillance.

Upon Abdülaziz’ deposition by a group of ministers led by Midhat Paşa, the great advocate of constitutional government, Murad was brought to the throne.

The new sultan was determined to introduce constitutional reforms, but, under the impact of Abdülaziz’ suicide and the murder of some of his key ministers, Murad suffered mental collapse.

After declaration by Turkish and foreign doctors that his illness was incurable, Murad was deposed by the same men who had brought him to the throne.

During the reign (1876–1909) of his brother Abdülhamid II, several attempts to restore him to the throne failed, and he spent the remaining years of his life confined in the Çiragan Palace.

Encyclopædia Britannica

Abdulhamid II

Abdülhamid II, (born Sept. 21, 1842, Constantinople [now Istanbul, Turkey]—died Feb. 10, 1918, Constantinople), Ottoman sultan from 1876 to 1909, under whose autocratic rule the reform movement of Tanzimat (Reorganization) reached its climax and who adopted a policy of pan-Islamism in opposition to Western intervention in Ottoman affairs.


Abdülhamid II
  A son of Sultan Abdülmecid I, he came to the throne at the deposition of his mentally deranged brother, Murad V, on Aug. 31, 1876. He promulgated the first Ottoman constitution on Dec. 23, 1876, primarily to ward off foreign intervention at a time when the Turks’ savage suppression of the Bulgarian uprising (May 1876) and Ottoman successes in Serbia and Montenegro had aroused the indignation of Western powers and Russia. After a disastrous war with Russia (1877), Abdülhamid was convinced that little help could be expected from the Western powers without their intrusion into Ottoman affairs. He dismissed the Parliament, which had met in March 1877, and suspended the constitution in February 1878. Thenceforth for 40 years he ruled from his seclusion at Yıldız Palace (in Constantinople), assisted by a system of secret police, an expanded telegraph network, and severe censorship.

After the French occupation of Tunisia (1881) and assumption of power by the British in Egypt (1882), Abdülhamid turned for support to the Germans. In return, concessions were made to Germany, culminating in permission (1899) to build the Baghdad Railway. Eventually, the suppression of the Armenian revolt (1894) and the turmoil in Crete, which led to the Greco-Turkish War of 1897, once more resulted in European intervention.

Abdülhamid used pan-Islamism to solidify his internal absolutist rule and to rally Muslim opinion outside the empire, thus creating difficulties for European imperial powers in their Muslim colonies. The Hejaz Railway, financed by Muslim contributions from all over the world, was a concrete expression of his policy.

Internally, the most far-reaching of his reforms were in education; 18 professional schools were established; Darülfünun, later known as the University of Istanbul, was founded (1900); and a network of secondary, primary, and military schools was extended throughout the empire. Also, the Ministry of Justice was reorganized, and railway and telegraph systems were developed.

Discontent with Abdülhamid’s despotic rule and resentment against European intervention in the Balkans, however, led to the military revolution of the Young Turks in 1908. After a short-lived reactionary uprising (April 1909), Abdülhamid was deposed, and his brother was proclaimed sultan as Mehmed V.

Encyclopædia Britannica

Serbian–Ottoman War (1876–78)
The Serbo-Turkish War (Serbian: српско-турски рат), also known as the Wars for Independence (ратови за независност), was fought between the Principality of Serbia and the Ottoman Empire between 30 June 1876 — 3 March 1878. It consisted of two phases. In conjunction with the Principality of Montenegro, Serbia proclaimed its independence and declared war on the Ottoman Empire on 30 June 1876. The Serbian army in 1876 was poorly trained and ill-equipped, unlike the troops of the Ottoman Empire.

The offensive objectives the Serbian army sought to accomplish were overly ambitious for such force, and they suffered a number of defeats that resulted from poor planning and chronically being spread too thin. This allowed Ottoman forces to repel the initial attacks of the Serbian army and drive them back. During the autumn of 1876, the Ottoman Empire continued their successful offensive which culminated in a victory on the heights above Đunis.

The Serbo-Turkish War of 1876-1877 coincided with the Bulgarian uprising, the Montenegrin War and the Russo-Turkish War (1877–78), which together are known as the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-78) of the Ottoman Empire.


The Morava Battles – August 1876
Background and the opposing forces
In 1875, a revolt broke out in Herzegovina, a province of the Ottoman Empire, which soon spread to Bosnia and Bulgaria. Although the Ottoman Empire quickly defeated the revolt in Bulgaria, the fighting in Herzegovina and Bosnia continued to drag on. Taking advantage of the opportunity, the two semi-independent Principalities of Serbia and Montenegro proclaimed their independence and declared war on the Ottoman Empire on 18 June 1876.

The main Serbian army under Chernyayev concentrated at the Southern fortress of Aleksinac. It consisted of 3 Serbian divisions and a variety of volunteer formations totaling about 45,000 men. In the North-East, Lesjanin based at Saicar commanded an infantry division (6,000) with cavalry support and the Bulgarian Legion (2,000).
In the West there were two weak divisions (5,000 each), one in the South-West at Usica commanded by Zack and one in the North-West at Sabac commanded by Alympic. The main rifle was the M.1870 Serbian Peabody which had a performance similar to the Russian Krnk. Whilst this was the best weapon available to Serbian troops many had to make do with the erratic M.1867 Serbian Greene conversion or even muzzle-loaders.

Artillery batteries contained a variety of mostly bronze guns almost all inferior to the Turkish Krupps.
There were very few cavalry squadrons reflecting the nature of the terrain and those which existed were poorly equipped.
  At that time Serbia was accepting all volunteers, there were many volunteers from different countries and cities, including Italian followers of Garibaldi and Prussian officers, representatives of different nationalities were fighting – Englishmen, Italians, Frenchmen, Greeks, Romanians and Poles. In various volunteer detachments, the biggest of which were detachments of Russian and Bulgarians. During the war of 1876–77, on the initiative of Giuseppe Garibaldi a detachment was created consisting of several hundreds of Italian volunteers. Russian volunteer detachments formally independent of the Russian state stood up in defense of Serbia. The biggest number of Russian volunteers fought in the Timocko-Moravska army, their number was around 2200, out of which there were 650 officers and 300 medical personnel.

The main Ottoman army was based at Sofia under Abdul Kerim with 50,000 men plus irregular Bashi-Bazouks and Circassians. There was a garrison at the border fortress of Niš commanded by Mehemet with 8000 men. In the North-West at Vidin, Osman Nuri had 23,000 men. In the west there were small garrisons at Bijeljina and Zvornik with a larger force (12,000 mostly Arabs and Egyptians) under Dervish and Mehemet Ali in the Sanjak. Substantial numbers of Redif troops were called up for this war mostly armed with former British Sniders. The superior Peabody-Martini was becoming more widely available and was certainly used by the Egyptian troops. Krupp breech loaders are most frequently mentioned although there must have been significant numbers of bronze guns. Turkish troops performed well during the war albeit badly officered and inadequately supplied.


Serbian military camp during the war in 1876.
First War
The initial Serbian plan was to defend Niš and attack Sofia with the main army under Chernyayev. Other armies would simultaneously launch diversionary attacks, but these were repulsed in the west. In the north-east, Lesjanin was defeated near Kior after failing to hold the Turkish advance over the Timok river. Although he withdrew to the fortress at Saicar, the Turkish army captured it on 7 August 1876. The Serbian army's main advance in the south appeared to initially meet with success when it moved quickly down the Nišava valley and captured the important heights at Babina Glava, north of Pirot. They were forced to withdraw, however, when the Turks responded by sending two columns under Suleiman and Hafiz to flank the Serbian position.
The Turkish commander Abdul Kerim decided against marching over the difficult mountain terrain between the Timok and Morava rivers and instead concentrated 40,000 troops at Niš and advanced up the easier country of the Morava valley towards Aleksinac.

Chernyayev had less than 30,000 men, and unlike the Turkish commander he stretched them thinly across both sides of the Morava river and into the mountains. Consequently, when contact was made between the two forces, the Serbian troops were overwhelmed by massed Turkish firepower. A bayonet charge shortly followed and routed the Serbian troops from the field. Thanks to Abdul Kerim's indecisiveness and the arrival of Horvatovic's fresh forces, a new Serbian defensive line was created at Djunis.

Following this string of setbacks and defeats, Serbia petitioned the European powers to mediate a diplomatic solution to the war. A joint ultimatum from the European powers forced the Ottoman Empire into accepting a one-month truce with Serbia, during which peace negotiations were held. The Ottoman Empire's peace conditions were deemed by the European powers as too harsh, however, and were rejected.

When the truce expired, the war continued and the new Serbian commander, Horvatovic, attacked the Turkish positions along a broad front from Djunis to Aleksinac on 28 September 1876, but the Turkish troops repulsed the attacks.

The Turkish forces reorganized and regrouped, and on 19 October 1876 the army of Adyl Pasha launched a surprise attack on the Serbian right which forced the Serbians back to Deligrad.

Chief of General Staff of the Ottoman army Abdul Kerim

On 31 October 1876, with the situation becoming dire and Serbian forces about to collapse, Russia mobilized its army and threatened to declare war on the Ottoman Empire if they did not sign a truce with Serbia and renew the peace negotiations within forty-eight hours. These negotiations lasted until 15 January 1877 and effectively ended the fighting between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire until Serbia, having gained financial backing from Russia, again declared war against the Ottoman Empire in 1877.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Serbian soldiers attacking the Ottoman army at Mramor, 1877
Montenegrin–Ottoman War (1876–78)

The Montenegrin–Ottoman War (Montenegrin and Serbian Cyrillic: Црногорско-турски рат, Montenegrin-Turkish War) was a war between the Principality of Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire that took place between 1876 and 1878. The war ended with Montenegro victorious. 6 major and 27 smaller battles were fought, among them was the crucial Battle of Vučji Do.

A rebellion in nearby Herzegovina sparked a series of rebellions and uprisings against the Ottomans in Europe. Montenegro and Serbia agreed to declare a war on Turkey on 18 June 1876. The Montenegrins allied themselves with Herzegovians. One battle that was crucial to Montenegro's victory in the war was the Battle of Vučji Do. In 1877, Montenegrins fought heavy battles along the borders of Herzegovina and Albania. Prince Nicholas took the initiative and counterattacked the Turkish forces that were coming from the north, south and west. He conquered Nikšić (24 September 1877), Bar (10 January 1878), Ulcinj (20 January 1878), Grmožur (26 January 1878) and Vranjina and Lesendro (30 January 1878)

The war ended when the Ottomans signed a truce with the Montenegrins at Edirne on 13 January 1878. The advancement of Russian forces toward Turkey forced Turkey to sign a peace treaty on 3 March 1878, recognising the independence of Montenegro, as well as Romania and Serbia, and also increased Montenegro's territory from 4,405 km² to 9,475 km². Montenegro also gained the towns of Nikšić, Kolašin, Spuž, Podgorica, Žabljak, Bar, as well as access to the sea.

In October 1874, an influential Ottoman statesman, Jusuf-beg Krnjić, was murdered in Podgorica, which at the time was an Ottoman border town towards Montenegro. He had most likely been killed a near relative of Marko Miljanov. In revenge, Turks retributed against the local population and merchants. This event is known as the "Podgorica slaughter" (Podgorički pokolj). It resulted in bad relations between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire, which furter deteriorated with the outbreak of the uprising in Herzegovina (1875). Montenegro provided the rebels with military and financial aid and represented their interests to the Porte. Montenegro requested that part of Herzegovina be handed over to the Montenegrins, but the Porte declined. Because of this, Montenegro declared war on 18 June 1876, immediately followed by its foremost ally, the Principality of Serbia.
In the beginning of the war, when Miljanov arrived at Kuči, at the Ottoman frontier, the Kuči revolted and attacked the Turks. The Pasha filled Medun and other small forts, Fundina, Koći, Zatrijebač and Orahovo with soldiers.

The Piperi and Kuči tribes together attacked Koći, killing a small part, while they found Turks in tower houses whom they wanted to destroy with wooden cannons. An epic poem regarding the war tells how Abdi Pasha the Cherkessian with 20,000 soldiers of the sanjak of Scutari and sent from the sultan went to attack the Kuči and Piperi. The poem tells how part of the army went towards Koći, and then having clashed in Zatrijebač and Fundina.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Colorado becomes a state of the U.S.
Colorado, constituent state of the United States of America. It is classified as one of the Mountain states, although only about half of its area lies in the Rocky Mountains. It borders Wyoming and Nebraska to the north, Nebraska and Kansas to the east, Oklahoma and New Mexico to the south, and Utah to the west. Colorado was admitted to the union on August 1, 1876, as the 38th state. The capital is Denver.
Colorado’s history is written in the names of its cities, towns, mountain ranges, and passes. Native American, French, and Spanish names alternate with those of frontier Americans, and many ghost towns are reminders of the thousands of prospectors and homesteaders who streamed into the territory in the mid-19th century to pursue dreams of gold, silver, and grain bonanzas. Vast cattle ranges and agricultural acreage fed by huge irrigation projects are characteristic of present-day Colorado, as are the diversified industries and the educational and research facilities in the state’s urban centres. Area 104,094 square miles (269,603 square km). Population (2010) 5,029,196; (2014 est.) 5,355,866.

The earliest inhabitants

The influence of Native American culture on Colorado has been strong. Native American place-names have enriched the English vocabulary; Native American folktales, music, and dances have been adopted as aspects of American culture; and Native American food and artwork have made valuable and unique contributions to Colorado’s sense of identity. The cliff dwellings of the Ancestral Pueblo culture (Anasazi) in Mesa Verde National Park are among the significant physical remains of early Native American communities.

The Plains Indians, mainly Arapaho and Cheyenne, guided the explorers, traders, and trappers across the plains. They knew the streams, the natural routes, the sources of fresh water and firewood, the areas of natural protection, and the feeding grounds of the buffalo. The Great Basin groups, mainly the Ute, made similar contributions to knowledge of the Rocky Mountains.

The Native Americans, however, were displaced by Spanish explorers from Mexico in search of cities of gold and silver. Fearing attacks by the United States, they strengthened the Spanish frontier in the 1840s with huge land grants reaching as far north as the Arkansas River. On these grants were established the first permanent settlements of non-Native American people in Colorado and, in 1851, the first recorded irrigation. The Spanish language is imprinted on Colorado geography. The state’s name is derived from the Spanish colorado (“red,” or “ruddy”). Twenty large streams in Colorado are called ríos, and numerous cities, villages, and mountain ranges and peaks have Spanish names.

  The U.S. territory
American exploration of Colorado began immediately after the United States made the Louisiana Purchase, of which Colorado was a part, in 1803. Dispatched to map, explore, and record scientific data about the new land were Zebulon Pike in 1806, Stephen Long in 1820, and John C. Frémont in 1842.
As knowledge of the area spread, fur traders and trappers followed. Frontier scouts Kit Carson, Jim Bridger, and others explored the territory. Fort Bent and Fort Saint Vrain served as collection points for furs, places for food and supplies, and shelter and protection from Indians.

In 1858 gold was discovered along the South Platte; discoveries in other locations followed. When word reached the eastern United States the following year, a gold rush ensued. The cry of “Pikes Peak or bust” was the prospectors’ motto, and the bustling gold-dust towns of Central City, Black Hawk, Gold Hill, and Cripple Creek made mining history. The first gold was panned from the streambeds, after which came the search for the mother lode in the mountains. Fueled by the mining boom, open conflict with Native American peoples grew. Such incidents as the Sand Creek Massacre (1864) continued to occur until the 1870s; in that decade most tribes—including the Arapaho, the Pawnee, the Cheyenne, and the Crow—were relocated to reservations outside the state.

In the frontier mining districts, civil and criminal codes were drawn up, and penalties for crimes were established. Of the thousands of seekers for gold, only a few found their bonanza. By the 1890s the boom was over, and the mountains were largely vacated except for a few permanent mining towns.

Contemporaneous with the mining rushes was Colorado’s period of territorial government. In 1861 congressional legislation provided for administrative officials to be appointed by the president. Seven governors were appointed in 15 years, and none served a full four-year term. In 1875 a constitution was drawn up and ratified by the territorial assembly, and in 1876 Colorado became a member of the union.

The Calhan Paint Mines on the Colorado Eastern Plains
Economic and social growth
Shortages of food during the gold rush led enterprising pioneers to initiate a new and significant component to the regional economy. Water was diverted from the streams to irrigate the land in what has been called the single most significant event in Colorado history.

An entirely new social code and economy and a Western water law—drawing on elements of English common law and Spanish statutes alike—evolved in a time of conflict between livestock herders and farmers. The industries and inhabitants of cities and towns came to depend upon irrigation agriculture. Sugar factories, which extracted the juice from the sugar beet, sprang up across the landscape.

By 1881 the buffalo herds on Colorado’s plains had been replaced by cattle and sheep. From its mountain valleys, plains, and feedlots, Colorado became a major producer of meat.
Automobiles, railroads, and a tunnel through the mountainous backbone united the mountains and high plateaus of western Colorado with the flat eastern portion of the state, and the flow of resources set the pace for industrial development.

Also in the 1880s, steel was first produced in Pueblo, based on local deposits of iron ore and coal, and Pueblo became a major producer of metals. Drought and the Great Depression of the 1930s triggered rural emigration but also spurred the construction of a large-scale transmountain water-diversion project.

  World War II and after
Fear of enemy attack on both U.S. coasts during World War II stimulated the development of government facilities in Colorado because of its interior, yet accessible, location. In 1942 Japanese Americans from the West Coast were interned at Camp Amache, near the high-plains farming town of Granada. The Denver Federal Center, Rocky Mountain Arsenal, Camp (later Fort) Carson, Camp Hale, and other government and military installations attracted thousands of newcomers to the state. By the late 1940s the state was second only to Washington, D.C., in number of federal government offices, almost all of which had administrative jurisdiction beyond the state borders.

The federal presence in Colorado grew increasingly during the Cold War era. The U.S. Air Force Academy, founded as the service’s chief officer-training school in 1954, relocated from Denver to Colorado Springs in 1958. Peterson Air Force Base—the communications and administrative headquarters for the North American Aerospace Defense Command (formerly North American Air Defense Command) and the U.S. Space Command—and the Pueblo (Army) Chemical Depot, a major repository of chemical weapons and wastes, also moved to the area. Civilian offices of federal agencies—including the Department of Agriculture, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the Bureau of Land Management, the Department of Treasury, the Department of Energy, and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration—were also established in Colorado, almost entirely in Front Range urban centres.


The Chapel on the Rock at Camp Saint Malo near Allenspark.
Colorado’s post-World War II economy was fueled by newcomers who embraced the state’s capacity to develop ski resorts and additional outdoor-sports facilities. In the 1950s Colorado began to grow as a centre of electronic and, later, high-technology manufacturing. The diversification and strengthening of the Colorado economy brought an influx of newcomers, and by the 1980s some three-fifths of the state’s population had been born outside Colorado.

Macky Auditorium, University of Colorado, Boulder.
Tourism soon became an economic mainstay, while official state policy promoted orderly growth of the economy and the infrastructure to support it. The rapid growth of technological industries continued in the last two decades of the 20th century but slowed in the early 21st century. In the late 1990s the Front Range communities remained among the fastest-growing regions in the country in terms of both population and economic expansion; the economy slowed by the following decade, but the population growth rate was higher than in the country overall. In the 1990s members of several tribes that were relocated in the 1870s following the Sand Creek Massacre sought restitution for the loss of ancestral lands; the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Colorado legislature, and other entities issued formal apologies, but no monetary compensation was provided. In 2007 the U.S. Department of the Interior established the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site in order to preserve the site and commemorate and interpret the event.

M. John Loeffler
John L. Dietz
Gregory Lewis McNamee

Encyclopædia Britannica

Disraeli Benjamin made Earl of Beaconsfield

Disraeli, photographed by Cornelius Hughes in 1878
see also: Benjamin Disraeli
Presidential election in U.S.: Tilden (Democrat), 184 electoral votes; Hayes (Republican), 165; 20 votes
still in dispute
Tilden Samuel Jones

Samuel Jones Tilden, (born Feb. 9, 1814, New Lebanon, N.Y., U.S.—died Aug. 4, 1886, Greystone, N.Y.), lawyer, governor of New York, and Democratic presidential candidate in the disputed election of 1876.


Samuel Jones Tilden
  Tilden attended Yale College and the University of the City of New York for brief periods and studied law. He began to practice law in New York City in 1841. Despite frequent illnesses, he soon became a corporation and railroad lawyer of great skill and a leader in Democratic politics. He was a member of the New York Assembly in 1846 and was a member of the state constitutional conventions (1846 and 1867). He was a leader of the Free-Soil element among New York Democrats and supported the Union cause in the American Civil War (1861–65).

He played a prominent role in the reorganization of the Democratic Party in the decade from 1865 to 1875, serving as the party chairman of New York state. During this period he played a major role in the overthrow of the notorious Tweed Ring, a circle of corrupt politicians who had defrauded New York City of an estimated $30,000,000–$200,000,000, and in the removal of several corrupt judges. Elected governor (1874) on a reform platform, he won national recognition for his efficient administration and for exposing the Canal Ring, a conspiracy of politicians and contractors engaged in defrauding the state.

In 1876 Tilden was the Democratic nominee for the presidency. The bitterly fought campaign ended in a disputed election in which Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon reported two sets of returns. To settle the controversy, an Electoral Commission was created by Congress. Tilden reluctantly consented to the formation of the commission but failed to provide vigorous and direct leadership in the crisis.

The commission decided all questions by a strictly partisan vote, thus giving the presidency to the Republican candidate, Rutherford B. Hayes. There is evidence that the Republicans entered into a secret deal with Southern Democratic leaders to withdraw Federal troops from the South (where they were safeguarding Reconstruction) if the disputed electoral votes could be counted for Hayes. Tilden, who had received a clear majority of the popular vote, nevertheless accepted the verdict to avoid possible violence.

Tilden was a distant, secretive, dilatory, and cautious man who possessed marked intellectual ability. His frail health and characteristic indecision forced him into the background of politics after 1877, though he retained great influence in the Democratic Party. His law practice and investments had brought him great wealth, and he left the bulk of his estate in trust for the establishment of a free public library for New York City.

Encyclopædia Britannica
Hayes Rutherford Birchard

Rutherford B. Hayes, in full Rutherford Birchard Hayes (born October 4, 1822, Delaware, Ohio, U.S.—died January 17, 1893, Fremont, Ohio), 19th president of the United States (1877–81), who brought post-Civil War Reconstruction to an end in the South and who tried to establish new standards of official integrity after eight years of corruption in Washington, D.C. He was the only president to hold office by decision of an extraordinary commission of congressmen and Supreme Court justices appointed to rule on contested electoral ballots. (For a discussion of the history and nature of the presidency, see presidency of the United States of America.)


Rutherford B. Hayes
  Early political life
Hayes was the son of Rutherford Hayes, a farmer, and Sophia Birchard. After graduating from Kenyon College at the head of his class in 1842, Hayes studied law at Harvard, where he took a bachelor of laws degree in 1845. Returning to Ohio, he established a successful legal practice in Cincinnati, where he represented defendants in several fugitive-slave cases and became associated with the newly formed Republican Party. In 1852 he married Lucy Ware Webb (Lucy Hayes), a cultured and unusually well-educated woman for her time. After combat service with the Union army, he was elected to Congress (1865–67) and then to the Ohio governorship (1868–76).
In 1875, during his third gubernatorial campaign, Hayes attracted national attention by his uncompromising advocacy of a sound currency backed by gold. The following year he became his state’s favourite son at the national Republican nominating convention, where a shrewdly managed campaign won him the presidential nomination. Hayes’s unblemished public record and high moral tone offered a striking contrast to widely publicized accusations of corruption in the administration of President Ulysses S. Grant (1869–77). An economic depression, however, and Northern disenchantment with Reconstruction policies in the South combined to give Hayes’s Democratic opponent, Samuel J. Tilden, a popular majority, and early returns indicated a Democratic victory in the electoral college as well.
Hayes’s campaign managers challenged the validity of the returns from South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, and as a result two sets of ballots were submitted from the three states. The ensuing electoral dispute became known as the Tilden-Hayes affair. Eventually a bipartisan majority of Congress created a special Electoral Commission to decide which votes should be counted. As originally conceived, the commission was to comprise seven Democrats, seven Republicans, and one independent, the Supreme Court justice David Davis. Davis refused to serve, however, and the Republican Joseph P. Bradley was named in his place. While the commission was deliberating, Republican allies of Hayes engaged in secret negotiations with moderate Southern Democrats aimed at securing acquiescence to Hayes’s election. On March 2, 1877, the commission voted along strict party lines to award all the contested electoral votes to Hayes, who was thus elected with 185 electoral votes to Tilden’s 184. The result was greeted with outrage and bitterness by some Northern Democrats, who thereafter referred to Hayes as “His Fraudulency.”

White House portrait of Rutherford B. Hayes
  Presidency and later life
As president, Hayes promptly made good on the secret pledges made during the electoral dispute. He withdrew federal troops from states still under military occupation, thus ending the era of Reconstruction (1865–77). His promise not to interfere with elections in the former Confederacy ensured a return there of traditional white Democratic supremacy. He appointed Southerners to federal positions, and he made financial appropriations for Southern improvements. These policies aroused the animosity of a conservative Republican faction known as the Stalwarts, who were further antagonized by the president’s efforts to reform the civil service by substituting nonpartisan examinations for political patronage. Hayes’s demand for the resignation of two top officials in the New York customhouse (including Chester Arthur, the future president) provoked a bitter struggle with New York senator Roscoe Conkling.

During the national railroad strikes of 1877, Hayes, at the request of state governors, dispatched federal troops to suppress rioting. His administration was under continual pressure from the South and West to resume silver coinage, outlawed in 1873. Many considered this proposal inflationary, and Hayes sided with the Eastern, hard-money (gold) interests. Congress, however, overrode his veto of the Bland-Allison Act (1878), which provided for government purchase of silver bullion and restoration of the silver dollar as legal tender. In 1879 Hayes signed an act permitting women lawyers to practice before the Supreme Court.

Hayes refused renomination by the Republican Party in 1880, contenting himself with one term as president. In retirement he devoted himself to humanitarian causes, notably prison reform and educational opportunities for Southern black youth.

Encyclopædia Britannica

New Ottoman constitution proclaimed
Ottoman constitution of 1876

The Ottoman constitution of 1876 (Ottoman Turkish: قانون اساسى‎,"basic law"; Turkish: Kanûn-u Esâsî) was the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire. Written by members of the Young Ottomans, particularly Midhat Pasha, during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876–1909), the constitution was only in effect for two years, from 1876 to 1878 in a period known as the First Constitutional Era. Later it was put back into effect after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, initiating a period known as the Second Constitutional Era.

In the course of their studies in Europe, some members of the new Ottoman elite concluded that the secret of Europe's success rested not just with its technical achievements but also with its political organizations. Moreover, the process of reform itself had imbued a small segment of this elite with the belief that constitutional government would be a desirable check on autocracy and provide them with a better opportunity to influence policy. Sultan Abdul Aziz's chaotic rule led to his deposition in 1876 and, after a few troubled months, to the proclamation of an Ottoman constitution that the new sultan, Abdul Hamid II, pledged to uphold.
The Ottoman Constitution was introduced after a series of reforms were promulgated in 1839 during the Tanzimat era. The goal of the Tanzimat era was to reform the Ottoman Empire under the guidance of Westernization. In the context of the reforms, Western educated Armenians of the Ottoman Empire drafted the Armenian National Constitution in 1863. The Ottoman Constitution of 1876 was under direct influence of the Armenian National Constitution and its authors. The Ottoman Constitution of 1876 itself was drawn up by Western educated Ottoman Armenian Krikor Odian, who was the advisor of Midhat Pasha.
It is important to discuss first the beginning of attempts at reform within the empire. Under the reign of Sultan Selim III, there was a vision of actual reform. Selim tried to address the military's failure to effectively function in battle; even the basics of fighting were lacking, and military leaders lacked ability to command. Eventually his efforts led to his assassination by the Janissaries. This action led to Mahmud II becoming Sultan. Mahmud can be considered to be the “first real Ottoman reformer,”  since he took a substantive stand against the Janissaries by removing them as an obstacle (by killing them). This led to what was known as The Tanzimat era, which lasted from 1839 to 1876. This era was defined as an effort of reform to distribute power from the Sultan (even trying to remove his efforts) to the newly formed government led by a Parliament.

These were the intentions of the Sublime Porte, which included the newly formed government. The purpose of the Tanzimat Era was reform, but mainly, to divert power from the Sultan to the Sublime Porte. The first indefinable act of the Tanzimat period was when Sultan Abdülmecid I issued Edict of Gülhane. This document or statement expressed the principles that the liberal statesmen wanted to become an actual reality.

The Tanzimat politicians wanted to prevent the empire from falling completely into ruin. During this time the Tanzimat had three different sultans: Abdülmecid (1861 – 1876), Abdülaziz I (1861-1876) and Murad V (who only lasted 3 months in 1876). During the Tanzimat period, the man from the Ottoman Empire with the most respect in Europe was Midhat Pasha. Midhat dreamed of an Empire in which “there would be neither Muslim nor non-Muslim but only Ottomans.”  Such ideology led to the formation of groups such as the Young Ottomans and the Committee of Union & Progress (who merged with the Ottoman Unity Society). These movements attempted to bring about real reform not by means of edicts and promises, but by concrete action.
  European influence
After its pinnacle during the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire was thereafter in constant regression rather than being able to progress as its European counterparts did. As European power increased, the Ottomans saw a lack of progress themselves. In the Treaty of Paris (1856), the Ottomans were now considered part of the European world. This was the beginning of the first steps of intervention that the Europeans (i.e. Great Britain and France) began in the Ottoman Empire. One of the reasons they were taking a step into Ottoman territory was for the protection of Christians in the Empire. There had been a long-lasting political war between Muslims and non-Muslims within it. This was the focal point for the Russians to interfere, and the Russians were perhaps the Ottomans' most disliked enemy. The Russians looked for many ways to become involved in political affairs especially when unrest in the Empire reached their borders. The Russians and Ottomans went to war on numerous occasions for different reasons. The Ottomans saw the Russians as their most fierce enemy and not one to be trusted.

After Sultan Murad was removed from office, Abdul Hamid II became the new Sultan. Midhat Pasha was afraid that Abdul Hamid would go against his progressive visions; consequently he had an interview with him to assess his personality and to determine if he was on board. The Constitution proposed a bicameral parliament, the General Assembly, consisting of the Sultan-selected Senate and the generally elected Chamber of Deputies (although not directly; the populace chose delegates who would then choose the Deputies). There were also elections held every four years to keep the parliament changing and to continually express the voice of the people. This same framework carried over from the Constitution as it was in 1876 until it was reinstated in 1908. All in all the framework on the Constitution did little to limit the Sultan's power. Some of the retained powers of the Sultan were: declaration of war, appointment of new ministers, and approval of legislation.

Domestic and foreign reactions
Reactions within the Empire and around Europe were both widely acceptable and potentially a cause for some concern. Before the Constitution was enacted and made official, many of the Ulema were against it because they deemed it to be going against the Shari'a. However, throughout the Ottoman Empire, the people were extremely happy and looking forward to life under this new regime.

Many people celebrated and joined in Muslim-Christian relations which formed, and there now seemed to be a new national identity: Ottoman. However many provinces and people within the Empire were against it and many acted out their displeasure in violence. Some Muslims agreed with the Ulema that the constitution violated Shari'a law.

Some acted out their protests by attacking a priest during mass. Some of provinces referred to in the constitution were alarmed, such as Rumania, Scutari and Albania, because they thought it referred to them having a different change of government or no longer being autonomous from the Empire. Yet the most important reaction, only second to that of the people, was that of the Europeans. Their reactions were quite to the contrary from the people; in fact they were completely against it—so much so that England was against supporting the Sublime Porte and criticized their actions as reckless.

Many across European saw this constitution as unfit or a last attempt to save the Empire. In fact only two small nations were in favor of the constitution but only because they disliked the Russians as well. Others considered the Ottomans to be grasping for straws in trying to save the Empire; they also labeled it as a fluke of the Sublime Porte and the Sultan.
Ottoman constitution of 1876
Second Constitutional Era
The Constitution was put back into effect in 1908 as Abdul Hamid II came under pressure, particularly from some of his military leaders. Abdul Hamid II’s fall came as a result of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, and the Young Turks put the 1876 constitution back into effect. The second constitutional period spanned from 1908 until after World War I when the Ottoman Empire was dissolved. Many political groups and parties were formed during this period, including the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).

Significance of the constitution
The Ottoman Constitution represented more than the immediate effect it had on the country. Despite the latitude it gave to the sovereign, the constitution provided clear evidence of the extent to which European influences operated among a section of the Ottoman bureaucracy. The constitution also reaffirmed the equality of all Ottoman subjects, including their right to serve in the new Chamber of Deputies. The constitution was more than a political document; it was a proclamation of Ottomanism and Ottoman patriotism, and it was an assertion that the empire was capable of resolving its problems and that it had the right to remain intact as it then existed.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hilarion Daza-President of Bolivia
Groselle Hilarion Daza

Hilarion Daza Groselle (January 14, 1840 – February 27, 1894) was President of Bolivia from 1876 to 1879.


Hilarion Daza Groselle
Daza Groselle was born 1840 in a family of Italian emigrants from Piemont. His father surname was Grossoli (later changed to Groselle), but he preferred the surname of his mother, Daza. His father was very poor, but with hard work and sacrifices was able to maintain the military studies of Hilarion, who since young showed great intelligence and ambitions and was able to successfully reach the top of Bolivian society.

A career military officer and native of Sucre, Daza came to power on May 4, 1876 in a coup against the constitutional president Tomás Frías. He was supported by much of the country's financial elite because of his avowal to maintain order and stability.

To a large extent, Daza Groselle entered the Palacio Quemado with a desire to create Bolivian control over the remote, sparsely-populated maritime province of Litoral. By the late 1870s, the latter was already settled mostly by Chileans, who found access to the region much easier than did the highland Bolivians.

Predictably, a corollary of this growing physical and economic Chilean presence in the region was its irrendentist claim by Santiago, especially when rich deposits of guano were discovered near the Bolivian port of Mejillones.

To make matters worse, Daza was facing an ongoing recession and the effects of the most severe drought in Bolivian history up to that point. Daza hoped to gather the support of nationalist Bolivians to strengthen his internal position from insurrections, a massive demonstration by artisans in Sucre, and widespread opposition.

For these reasons, he rescinded the treaty (quite favorable to Chile) that had been signed in 1874 by President Frías freeing from Bolivian taxation all Chilean citizens living and working in the now disputed Litoral region. Chile threatened war, and Daza immediately invoked an existing self-defense pact/alliance with Peru.

Daza Groselle thought that for such a minor reason the Chilean government was not going to start a war against the allied Bolivia and Peru, but in February and March 1879 Chilean troops invaded and occupied the "Bolivian Litoral" around Antofagasta, sparking the War of the Pacific.

Following the Chilean occupation of the Peruvian port of Pisagua, the combined forces of Peru and Bolivia where supposed to surround Chilean forces in an ambitious pincer manoeuvre. However, the Bolivian army never took part in the subsequent battle of San Francisco because the Bolivian division "Camarones" -commanded by Narciso Campero- retreated before the combat began. At that point, Bolivian troops headed off for the heights of the Andes, ostensibly to defend the core of the country (the Altiplano) on terrain much better known by Bolivian fighting men, and better suited to them. If this was indeed the goal, it was never met, for the "Camarones" withdrawal only led to the outright annexation of the now-uncontested Litoral province by Chile, and to the abandonment of Peru to fight the rest of the war alone against an enemy that eventually came to occupy its capital of Lima. The "Camarones" debacle led to the unseating of Daza Groselle on December 28, 1879, when a Council of State was convened. The latter would name Narciso Campero Constitutional President on January 19, 1880. As for Daza, he remained briefly in Peru and then went into exile for 14 years mainly in France (but even for some months in Italy) with a portion of Bolivia's treasury.

  Daza Groselle murder
A controversial figure to say the least, Daza was blamed for the Bolivian Army's defeat (since then Bolivia has lost access to the Pacific ocean).

In 1894, the ex-president decided to return to Bolivia and explain himself, confident that he would be absolved of any wrongdoing, whether illegal act or incompetency. Historian José Mesa, Teresa Gisbert y Carlos Mesa Gisbert wrote that he was killed in order that he could not testify in La Paz Parliament.

Indeed he appeared to hint that Bolivian silver mining elites tied to Chilean capitalist interests had influenced his administration to produce the abandonment of Peru at Camarones (by the division of Narciso Campero) and thereafter. Most of these elites were associated with the Conservative Party of Bolivia, which had been in power since soon after Daza's ouster.

Daza Groselle was murdered in the train station of Uyuni soon after entering Bolivian soil on February 27, 1894; he was 54 years old. The people of Bolivia placed responsibility for this crime squarely on the government of Mariano Baptista, then President of Bolivia, but nothing was ever proven. In the last years Daza Groselle has been "rehabilitated" as a president of Bolivia who fought for his country, but was killed by enemies of Bolivia.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Adenauer Konrad

Konrad Adenauer, (born January 5, 1876, Cologne, Germany—died April 19, 1967, Rhöndorf, West Germany), first chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany; 1949–63), presiding over its reconstruction after World War II. A Christian Democrat and firmly anticommunist, he supported the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and worked to reconcile Germany with its former enemies, especially France.


Konrad Adenauer
  Early career
The son of a Cologne civil servant, Adenauer grew up in a Roman Catholic family of simple means in which frugality, fulfillment of duty, and religious dedication were stressed. He studied law and political science at universities in Freiburg, Munich, and Bonn. In 1906 he was elected to the Cologne city council and in 1917, during World War I, was chosen Oberbürgermeister, or lord mayor, of the city. Retaining that office until 1933, Adenauer created new port facilities, a greenbelt, sports grounds, and exhibition sites and in 1919 sponsored the refounding of the University of Cologne.

In 1918 Adenauer had hoped at first that the Rhineland might become one of the member states of Germany’s new Weimar Republic, but, when the British finally evacuated Cologne in 1926, the city and its surrounding district remained part of the Prussian Rhine province. Adenauer, who had been a member of the Prussian Herrenhaus (upper chamber of parliament) before its abolition in 1918, was a member of the Staatsrat (the central organ representing the diets of the Prussian provinces) from 1920 and became its speaker in 1928. Politically, he belonged to the Centre Party, which reflected Catholic principles.

When the Nazi Party of Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933, Adenauer lost all his offices and posts. After intermittent persecution, he was sent to a concentration camp in 1944. At the end of World War II, the U.S. military authorities restored him as mayor of Cologne, but the British, who assumed control of the city in June 1945, removed him from office in October. Rather than withdrawing from public life, Adenauer was reinvigorated by his fall from power.

Even before the end of the war, a new political party was being formed—the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU)—in which Roman Catholics and Protestants buried their long-standing differences to present a common front against Nazism and to promote Christian principles in government. Adenauer played an important role in the formation of this new party, and in 1946 he became its chairman in the British zone of occupation. Subsequently the CDU expanded into the four zones of the Allied occupation. As the Soviet Union began to increasingly obstruct the Allied Control Council, the Western Allies decided to give their three occupation zones a federal-state organization. Adenauer became president of the Parliamentary Council, which produced a provisional constitution for the intended German Federal Republic. In 1949 Adenauer became chairman of the CDU for the whole of West Germany, and, in the first general elections under the new regime, his party and its regular ally, the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU), together won 139 of the 402 seats in the Bundestag, the lower house of the federal parliament. He managed to form a coalition government, but it was by a majority of only one vote that the Bundestag confirmed his appointment as chancellor on September 15, 1949.

Adenauer speaking in the Bundestag, 1955.
  As chancellor, Adenauer was opposed to socialist ideas and rejected the notion of an egalitarian mass society. His leading political theme was individualism under the rule of law. He was imbued with the conviction that the state must guarantee its citizens optimal room for independent intellectual and economic development, as well as absolute protection under the law. The political platform of the CDU, however, went beyond Adenauer’s ideas, advocating some programs that were socialist in nature. Adenauer reacted pragmatically, expressing a willingness to compromise on domestic programs with which he philosophically disagreed so that he could promote the unity of the country and give West Germany an important place in the European community.

The focus of his interest throughout his career lay in foreign affairs. He viewed the expansion of communist rule into the heart of Europe as a direct threat to the West and its values. He had no faith in the possibility of peaceful coexistence with the communist world and felt the need for tough opposition to any aggressive military threats from the Soviet Union and its allies. He considered irreconcilable the differences between individualistic rule of law and totalitarian dictatorship and between humanistic Christian teachings and communist social regimentation. He therefore became a strong advocate of the Cold War politics of containment. As a result, he energetically supported German contributions to NATO and its nuclear arsenal, though he would have preferred the development of a European defense community. He worked tirelessly for the reconciliation of Germany with its neighbours, especially France.

There were numerous important events in West German history during Adenauer’s term. In 1950 West Germany gained associate membership in the Council of Europe. In 1951 the country established a foreign office (with Adenauer himself as minister of foreign affairs until 1955), achieved full membership in the Council of Europe, and became a founding member of the European Coal and Steel Community. In 1952 Germany participated in the formation of the European Defense Community (EDC). In 1954–55, after the collapse of the EDC, West Germany was recognized as a sovereign state and was admitted into NATO. And in 1957–58 Germany became a founding member of the European Economic Community (EEC; later succeeded by the European Union).

Meanwhile, Adenauer’s rising prestige was reflected in the elections of 1953 and 1957; in both the CDU-CSU coalition won a strikingly increased majority in the Bundestag, ensuring that Adenauer was unchallenged for the chancellorship. However, the terms under which he secured West Germany’s membership in the EEC were criticized by the CDU’s Ludwig Erhard, who, as minister of economic affairs from 1949, was given the main credit for the “miracle” of the West German economic recovery. Erhard became vice-chancellor in 1957, but antagonism between him and Adenauer grew more pronounced, and in 1959 Adenauer tried to exclude him from eventual succession to the chancellorship.

Konrad Adenauer with Israeli President Zalman Shazar, 1966.

In the elections of 1961 the CDU-CSU lost a number of seats in the Bundestag. To form the next government, Adenauer brought the Free Democratic Party (FDP) back into coalition with his own party (as in 1949 and 1953 but not 1957). The FDP, however, made Adenauer promise to relinquish the chancellorship before the end of the parliamentary term. In 1963, after achieving his long-sought treaty of cooperation with France and its leader, Charles de Gaulle, Adenauer accordingly resigned and was succeeded by Erhard. Adenauer remained chairman of the CDU until March 1966.

During Adenauer’s chancellorship his opponents had demanded that Germany be neutralized and placed in a position of nonalignment between the Eastern and Western blocs. But Adenauer and his party won all major elections because they declared that the risks to security in such a policy would be intolerable. To the end of his life, Adenauer was reproached, unfairly, for not having seriously worked for the reunification of Germany, but he believed that such was the duty of the powers that had partitioned Germany rather than of the West German government.

Adenauer enjoyed congenial relations with important European and American statesmen, particularly de Gaulle and U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Adenauer’s use of language served him in his political goals, for it was sharpened to be intelligible and convincing to the common man and its simplicity emphasized his authority. In his personal life Adenauer was unpretentious and extremely disciplined. He was married twice and was twice widowed. Attesting to his political importance, the leaders of the United States and France, as well as many other heads of state, including David Ben-Gurion of Israel, attended his funeral in 1967.

Encyclopædia Britannica


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