Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY



1800 - 1899
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
  BACK-1871 Part IV NEXT-1872 Part II    
An Unfortunate Experiment
1870 - 1879
History at a Glance
1870 Part I
Alfonso XII
Leopold of Hohenzollern
"Ems Telegram"
Franco-Prussian War
Lenin Vladimir
Vladimir Lenin
Smuts Jan
1870 Part II
Adler Alfred
Keble College
Papal infallibility
Ludwig Anzengruber: "Der Pfarrer von Kirchfeld"
Bunin Ivan
Disraeli: "Lothair"
Kuprin Aleksandr
Ivan Goncharov: "The Precipice"
Jules Verne: "Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea"
1870 Part III
Barlach Ernst
Ernst Barlach
Corot: "La perle"
Dante Gabriel Rossetti: "Beata Beatrix"
Borisov-Musatov Victor
Victor Borisov-Musatov
Benois Alexandre
Alexandre Benois
Denis Maurice
Maurice Denis
Soldiers and Exiles
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Delibes: "Coppelia"
Tchaikovsky: "Romeo and Juliet"
Wagner: "Die Walkure"
Lehar Franz
Franz Lehar - Medley
Franz Lehar
Balfe Michael
Michael Balfe - "The Bohemian Girl"
1870 Part IV
Przhevalsky Nikolai
Peaks and Plateaus
Johnson Allen
Gloucestershire County Cricket Club
Luxemburg Rosa
Standard Oil Company
Lauder Harry
Lloyd Marie
1871 Part I
Siege of Paris
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Frankfurt
Paris Commune
Treaty of Washington
Law of Guarantees
British North America Act, 1871
Ebert Friedrich
1871 Part II
Old Catholics
Charles Darwin: "The Descent of Man"
Jehovah's Witnesses
Russell Charles Taze
John Ruskin: "Fors Clavigera"
Lewis Carroll: "Through the Looking Glass"
Crane Stephen
Dreiser Theodore
George Eliot: "Middlemarch"
Mann Heinrich
Morgenstern Christian
Ostrovsky: "The Forest"
Proust Marcel
Valery Paul
Zola: "Les Rougon-Macquart"
1871 Part III
Gabriele Rossetti: "The Dream of Dante"
White Clarence
History of photography
Clarence White
Rouault Georges
Georges Rouault
Feininger Lyonel
Lyonel Feininger
Balla Giacomo
Giacomo Balla
Sloan John
John Sloan
The 'Terror'of the Commune
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Royal Albert Hall
"The Internationale"
Verdi: "Aida"
1871 Part IV
Schweinfurth Georg August
Quotations by Georg August Schweinfurth
Stanley Henry
Henry Morton Stanley
Further Exploration of the Nile
Heinrich Schliemann begins to excavate Troy
Ingersoll Simon
Rutherford Ernest
The Industrialization of War
The Industrialization of War
Bank Holiday
Great Chicago Fire
1872 Part I
Third Carlist War
Carlist Wars
Burgers Thomas Francois
Ballot Act 1872
Amnesty Act of 1872
Blum Leon
Coolidge Calvin
1872 Part II
Russell Bertrand
Klages Ludwig
Beerbohm Max
Samuel Butler: "Erewhon, or Over the Range"
Alphonse Daudet: "Aventures prodigieuses de Tartarin de Tarascon"
Alphonse Daudet
"Tartarin de Tarascon"
Diaghilev Sergei
Duse Eleonora
Thomas Hardy: "Under the Greenwood Tree"
Turgenev: "A Month in the Country"
Jules Verne: "Around the World in 80 Days"
Lever Charles
1872 Part III
Bocklin: "Self-Portrait with Death"
Whistler: "The Artist's Mother"
Mondrian Piet
Piet Mondrian
Beardsley Aubrey
Aubrey Beardsley
The Rise of Durand-Ruel
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Scriabin Alexander
Scriabin - Etudes
Alexander Scriabin
Williams Vaughan
Williams - Fantasia on a Theme by Thomas Tallis
Vaughan Williams
1872 Part IV
Bleriot Louis
Tide-predicting machine
Westinghouse George
Elias Ney
Hague Congress
Scotland v England (1872)
Scott Charles Prestwich
Nansen Ski Club
1873 Part I
First Spanish Republic
Mac-Mahon Patrice
Financial Panic of 1873
League of the Three Emperors
Bengal famine of 1873–1874
1873 Part II
Moore G. E.
Barbusse Henri
Ford Madox Ford
Maurier Gerald
Reinhardt Max
Rimbaud: "Une Saison en enfer"
Tolstoi: "Anna Karenina"
Bryusov Valery
1873 Part III
Cezanne: "A Modern Olympia"
Gulbransson Olaf
Manet: "Le bon Bock"
Gathering of the Future Impressionists
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Bruckner: Symphony No. 2
Carl Rosa Opera Company
Caruso Enrico
Enrico Caruso - Pagliacci No!
The greatest opera singers
Enrico Caruso
Chaliapin Feodor
Feodor Chaliapin - "Black Eyes"
The greatest opera singers
Feodor Chaliapin
Reger Max
Max Reger - Piano Concerto in F-minor
Max Reger
Rachmaninoff Sergei
Rachmaninoff plays Piano Concerto 2
Sergei Rachmaninov
Rimsky-Korsakov: "The Maid of Pskov"
Tchaikovsky: Symphony No. 2
Slezak Leo
Leo Slezak "Wenn ich vergnugt bin" 
The greatest opera singers
Leo Slezak
1873 Part IV
James Clerk Maxwell: "Electricity and Magnetism"
Euler-Chelpin Hans
Frobenius Leo
Payer Julius
Weyprecht Karl
Franz Josef Land
Cameron Verney Lovett
E. Remington and Sons
Remington Eliphalet
Hansen Gerhard Armauer
World Exposition 1873 Vienna
Wingfield Walter Clopton
1874 Part I
Anglo-Ashanti Wars (1823-1900)
Brooks–Baxter War
Swiss constitutional referendum, 1874
Colony of Fiji
Hoover Herbert
Weizmann Chaim
Churchill Winston
1874 Part II
Berdyaev Nikolai
Cassirer Ernst
Chesterton Gilbert
G.K. Chesterton quotes
G.K. Chesterton 
Flaubert: "La Tentation de Saint Antoine"
Frost Robert
Robert Frost
Thomas Hardy: "Far from the Madding Crowd"
Hofmannsthal Hugo
Hugo von Hofmannsthal
Victor Hugo: "Ninety-Three"
Maugham Somerset
Stein Gertrude
1874 Part III
Roerich Nicholas
Nicholas Roerich
Max Liebermann: "Market Scene"
Renoir: "La Loge"
The Birth of Impressionism
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Schmidt Franz
Franz Schmidt "Intermezzo" Notre Dame
Franz Schmidt
Schoenberg Arnold
Schoenberg: Verklarte Nacht
Arnold Schoenberg
Holst Gustav
Gustav Holst - Venus
Gustav Holst
Ives Charles
Charles Ives - Symphony 3
Charles Ives
Moussorgsky "Boris Godunov"
Johann Strauss II: "Die Fledermaus"
Verdi: "Requiem"
1874 Part IV
Bosch Carl
Marconi Guglielmo
Curtius Ernst
Shackleton Ernest
Stanley: Expedition to the Congo and Nile
Still Andrew Taylor
Bunker Chang and Eng
Universal Postal Union
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children
Gerry Elbridge Thomas
Outerbridge Mary Ewing
1875 Part I
Guangxu Emperor
Herzegovina Uprising of 1875–77
Public Health Act 1875
Congregations Law of 1875
Theosophical Society
Jung Carl
Congregations Law of 1875
Buchan John
Deledda Grazia
Mann Thomas
Rejane Gabrielle
Rilke Rainer Maria
1875 Part II
Bouguereau William-Adolphe
William-Adolphe Bouguereau
Monet: "Woman with a Parasol"
An Unfortunate Experiment
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Bizet: "Carmen"
Brull Ignaz
Ignaz Brull - Das goldene Kreuz
Coleridge-Taylor Samuel
Coleridge Taylor Samuel - Violin Concerto
Samuel Coleridge-Taylor
Karl Goldmark: "Die Konigin von Saba"
Ravel Maurice
Ravel - Rapsodie espagnole
Maurice Ravel
Tchaikovsky: Piano Concerto No.1
Boisbaudran Lecoq
Schweitzer Albert
Webb Matthew
1876 Part I
Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876
Ethio-Egyptian War
April Uprising
Batak massacre
Murad V
Abdulhamid II
Serbian–Ottoman War (1876–78)
Montenegrin–Ottoman War (1876–78)
Tilden Samuel Jones
Hayes Rutherford Birchard
Ottoman constitution of 1876
Groselle Hilarion Daza
Adenauer Konrad
1876 Part II
Bradley Francis Herbert
Trevelyan George Macaulay
Pius XII
Felix Dahn: "Ein Kampf um Rom"
London Jack
Mallarme: "L'Apres-Midi d'un faune"
Mark Twain: "The Adventures of Tom Sawyer"
Modersohn-Becker Paula
Paula Modersohn-Becker
Renoir: "Le Moulin de la Galette"
Impressionism Timeline
1876 Part III
Brahms: Symphony No. 1
Casals Pablo
Leo Delibes: "Sylvia"
Falla Manuel
Manuel de Falla - Spanish dance
Manuel de Falla
Ponchielli: "La Gioconda"
Wagner: "Siegfried"
Walter Bruno
Wolf-Ferrari Ermanno
Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari - "Intermezzo"
Alexander Bell invents the telephone
Johns Hopkins University
Hopkins Johns
Bacillus anthracis
Macleod John James Rickard
Brockway Zebulon Reed
Centennial International Exhibition of 1876
1877 Part I
Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78
Siege of Plevna
Satsuma Rebellion
1877 Part II
Granville-Barker Harley
Hesse Hermann
Hermann Hesse
Ibsen: "The Pillars of Society"
Henry James: "The American"
Zola: "L'Assommoir"
Praxiteles: "Hermes"
Dufy Raoul
Raoul Dufy
Winslow Homer: "The Cotton Pickers"
Kubin Alfred
Alfred Kubin
Manet: "Nana"
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
1877 Part III
Brahms: Symphony No. 2
Dohnanyi Ernst
Erno Dohnanyi - Piano Concerto No. 1
Camille Saint-Saens: "Samson et Delila"
Tchaikovsky: "Francesca da Rimini"
Ruffo Titta
Titta Ruffo: Di Provenza
Aston Francis William
Barkla Charles
Cailletet Louis-Paul
Pictet Raoul-Pierre
Liquid oxygen
Schiaparelli observes Mars' canals
Martian canal
German patent law
Madras famine of 1877
Maginot Andre
1878 Part I
Umberto I
Ten Years War 1868-1878
Battle of Shipka Pass
Epirus Revolt of 1878
Treaty of San Stefano
Treaty of Berlin 1878
Anti-Socialist Laws
Italian irredentism
Stresemann Gustav
1878 Part II
Buber Martin
Romanes George John
Treitschke Heinrich
Stoecker Adolf
Christian Social Party
Thomas Hardy: "The Return of the Native"
Kaiser Georg
Masefield John
Sandburg Carl
Sinclair Upton
1878 Part III
Malevich Kazimir
Kazimir Malevich
Kustodiev Boris
Boris Kustodiev
Petrov-Vodkin Kuzma
Kuzma Petrov-Vodkin
Multiple Disappointments
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Ambros August Wilhelm
Boughton Rutland
Boughton: The Queen of Cornwall
1878 Part IV
Mannlicher Ferdinand Ritter
Pope Albert Augustus
Watson John
Blunt and Lady Anne traveled in Arabia
Blunt Anne
Benz Karl
New Scotland Yard
Deutscher Fussballverein, Hanover
Paris World Exhibition 1878
1879 Part I
Anglo-Zulu War
Alexander of Battenberg
Second Anglo–Afghan War (1878-1880)
Treaty of Gandamak
Tewfik Pasha
Stalin Joseph
Joseph Stalin
Trotsky Leon
1879 Part II
Beveridge William
Henry George: "Progress and Poverty"
Giffen Robert
Forster Edward Morgan
Ibsen: "A Doll's House"
Henry James: "Daisy Miller"
Meredith: "The Egoist"
Stevenson: "Travels with a Donkey"
Strindberg: "The Red Room"
Valera Juan
1879 Part III
Picabia Francis
Francis Picabia
Steichen Edward Jean
Edward Steichen
Cameron Julia Margaret
Cameron Julia
Klee Paul
Paul Klee
Renoir: "Mme. Charpentier"
Impressionism Timeline (1863-1899)
Suppe: "Boccaccio"
Tchaikovsky: "Eugene Onegin"
Respighi Ottorino
Respighi - Three Botticelli Pictures
Ottorino Respighi
Bridge Frank
Frank Bridge - The Sea
Einstein Albert
Albert Einstein
Aitken Maxwell

Third Carlist War
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
1872 Part I
Third Carlist War

The Third Carlist War (Spanish: Tercera Guerra Carlista) (1872–1876) was the last Carlist War in Spain. It is very often referred to as the "Second Carlist War", as the 'second' (1847–49) had been small in scale and almost trivial in political consequence.

During this conflict, Carlist forces managed to occupy several towns in the interior of Spain, the most important ones being La Seu d'Urgell and Estella in Navarre. Isabella II had abdicated the throne, and Amadeo I, a younger son of the King of Italy who had been proclaimed King of Spain in 1870, was not very popular. The Carlist pretender, "Carlos VII", grandson of "Carlos V" tried to earn the support of those areas with more region-specific customs and former laws. The Carlists proclaimed the restoration of Catalonian, Valencian and Aragonese fueros (charters), abolished at the beginning of the 18th century by Philip V with the New Planning unilateral Royal decrees. However, the call for rebellion made by the Carlists was echoed in Catalonia and especially the Basque region (Gipuzkoa, Álava, Biscay and Navarre), where the Carlists managed to design a temporary state. The Carlists managed to lay siege to Bilbao and San Sebastián, but failed to seize them. After four years of war, on 27 February 1876, the Carlist pretender went into exile in France. On the same day, King Alfonso XII of Spain entered Pamplona. After the end of the war, the Basque charters (fueros/foruak) were abolished, shifting the border customs from the Ebro river to the coast and establishing the compulsory conscription in the Spanish army for the youth of the chartered territories and the abolition of the leftover provisions issued from home rule after the end of the First Carlist War (1839-1841).

The war caused between 7,000 and 50,000 casualties.

Carlos VII, Carlist pretender
The Third Carlist war began when Amadeo I of Savoy was crowned as King of Spain, instead of the Carlist pretender Carlos VII in 1871, after the overthrow of Isabel II in 1868 at the La Gloriosa revolution. The selection of Amadeo I was a great insult for the Carlists who at the time had strong support in northern Spain specially in Catalonia, Navarre and the Basque Provinces (Basque Country)

After some internal dissensions in 1870–1871, ending with the removal of Cabrera as head of the Carlist party, the Carlists started a general uprising against Amadeo I's government and its Liberal supporters. The Third Carlist War became the final act of a long fight between Spanish progressives (centralists) and traditionalists which started after the Spanish Peninsular War from 1808 to 1814 and the promulgation of the constitution of Cadiz which ended the ancien regime in Spain. Mistrust and rivalry among members of the royal family also enlarged the conflict. The establishment of the Pragmatic Sanction of Fernando VII causing the First Carlist War, the inability to find a compromise leading to the Second Carlist War and the proclamation of a foreign king that sparked the Third Carlist War.

The bell rings to the death across the heroic town of Igualada...Horrible details...People death by bayonets, burned houses, factories attacked at dawn, robberies, rapings, insults...

- La Campana de Gràcia, July 27, 1873 about the Carlist attack on the town of Igualada (Barcelona

About the carlists' entrance on Vendrell thousands atrocities are told, done by the followers of absolutism... If our brothers fell to the edge of the Carlist dagger, why we the liberals have to be considered with them?... It is necessary to fight the war with war and to employ all kind of resources to exterminate the bandits that burn, steal and kill in the name of a religion and a peace.

- La Redención del Pueblo, March 6, 1874, about the entrance of the carlists in the town of Vendrell (Tarragona)

Opposing parties
The Carlist party first formed in the last years of Fernando VII's (1784–1833) reign. Carlism is named after the infant Carlos Maria Isidro (1788–1855), count of Molina and Fernando's brother. The pragmatic sanction, published in 1830, abolished the "Salic Law" and so allowed women to be queens of Spain in their own right. This meant that Isabel, Fernando's daughter became the heir instead of Carlos, the king's brother.

Carlos almost instantly became the leader of Spain's more conservative sections, and a cause around which to unite. The anti-liberalism of authors such as Fernando de Zeballos, Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro and Francisco Alvarado during the 1820s was a precursor to the Carlist (Royalist) movement. Another important aspect of the Carlist ideology was its defense of the Catholic Church and its institutions, including the inquisition and the special tributary laws, against the comparatively more liberal crown. The Carlists identified themselves with Spanish military traditions, adopting the Burgundian cross of the tercios in the 16th and 17th centuries. This nostalgia for Spain's past was an important rallying point for Carlism. There was also a perceived support for the feudal system displaced by the French occupation, although this is disputed by historians. The Carlists summarized this in a motto:

            For God, for the fatherland and the king.

Infant Carlos Maria Isidro
In the deeply religious and conservative atmosphere of 19th century Spain Carlism attracted a large number of followers, particularly among sections of society that perceived that they had lost influence due to the growing liberalism of the Spanish state. Carlism found most of its supporters in rural areas particularly places which had previously enjoyed special status before 1813, i.e. Catalonia and especially the Basque Country. In these parts of the country the Catholic peasantry and minor nobles were the bulwark of Carlist support, with occasional support from the major nobility, but other criteria of a national nature came also into play in these areas.
As Fernando died in 1833 without a male heir the succession was disputed, despite the abrogation of the Salic law in 1830. As the new queen Isabel was only a child her mother, Maria Cristina, became regent until Isabel was ready to reign in her own right. As conservatives were backing Carlos, Maria Cristina was forced to side with the Liberals, who sympathised with the ideals of the French revolution. Liberals were well represented in the higher reaches of the army and among the larger landowners, and also drew support among the middle classes.

The Liberals promoted Industrialization and Social modernization. Reforms included the sale of church lands and other institutions that supported the old regime, the establishment of electored parliaments, the construction of railways and the general expansion of industry throughout Spain. There was a strong current of anti-clericalism.


Carlist Wars

The Carlist Wars were a series of civil wars that took place in Spain during the 19th century. The contenders fought to establish their claim to the throne, although some political differences also existed. Indeed, several times during the period from 1833 to 1876 the Carlists — followers of Infante Carlos (later Carlos V) and his descendants — rallied to the cry of "God, Country, and King" and fought for the cause of Spanish tradition (Legitimism and Catholicism) against liberalism, and later the republicanism, of the Spanish governments of the day. The Carlist Wars had a strong regional component (Basque region, Catalonia, etc.), given that the new order called into question region specific law arrangements and customs kept for centuries.

When Ferdinand VII of Spain died in 1833, his fourth wife Maria Cristina became Queen Regent on behalf of their infant daughter Isabella II. This splintered the country into two factions known as the Cristinos (or Isabelinos) and the Carlists. The Cristinos were the supporters of the Queen Regent and her government, and were the party of the Liberals. The Carlists were the supporters of Carlos V, a pretender to the throne and brother of the deceased Ferdinand VII, who denied the validity of the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830 that abolished the semi Salic Law (he was born before 1830). They wanted a return to autocratic monarchy.

While some historians count three wars, other authors and popular usage refer to the existence of two big engagements, the First and the Second, with the 1846-1849 events being taken as a minor episode.

- The First Carlist War (1833-1840) lasted more than seven years and the fighting spanned most of the country at one time or another, although the main conflict centered on the Carlist homelands of the Basque Country and Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia.

- The Second Carlist War (1846-1849) was a minor Catalan uprising. The rebels tried to install Carlos VI on the throne. In Galicia, the uprising was on a smaller scale and was put down by General Ramón María Narváez.

- The Third Carlist War (1872-1876) began in the aftermath of the deposition of one ruling monarch and abdication of another. Queen Isabella II was overthrown by a conspiracy of liberal generals in 1868, and left Spain in some disgrace. The Cortes (Parliament) replaced her with Amadeo, the Duke of Aosta (and second son of King Victor Emmanuel of Italy). Then, when the Spanish elections of 1872 resulted in government violence against Carlist candidates and a swing away from Carlism, the Carlist pretender, Carlos VII, decided that only force of arms could win him the throne. The Third Carlist War began. It lasted until 1876.

- The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was considered by the Carlists as another crusade against secularism. In spite of the victory of their side, General Franco frustrated the pretensions of Carlist monarchism; he subsumed their militias into the Nationalist army and their political party (Comunión Tradicionalista) into his National Movement (Falange Tradicionalista y de las J.O.N.S.).

First Carlist War
After Ferdinand's death, the government went on to design the 1833 territorial division of Spain without consulting with the Basque districts, who held a specific status within Spain, e.g. Navarre was still a kingdom with its own decision making bodies and customs on the Ebro river.

The unilateral decision was regarded as a hostile move, and anger erupted.
The First Carlist War started with a general uprising in the Basque Provinces, and Navarre. This met with success, gaining control of the countryside, although cities like Bilbao, San Sebastián, Pamplona, and Vitoria-Gasteiz stayed in Liberal hands.

The insurrection spread to the Castilla la Vieja, Aragon and Catalonia where Carlist armies and guerrillas operated until the end of the war. Expeditions outside these areas met with limited success.

The Basque Country was subdued in August 31, 1839 with the Convenio de Vergara and Abrazo de Vergara between the Liberal general Baldomero Espartero and the Carlist general Rafael Maroto.

Carlos the pretender crossed the Bidasoa into French exile, but Carlists in the Catalonia and Aragon continued fighting until July 1840, when led by the Ramon Cabrera they escaped to France.

Many prominent figures emerged on both sides during the war. On the liberal side Baldomero Espartero rose to prominence, replacing Maria Cristina as regent in 1840, although his subsequent unpopularity meant that he was later overthrown by a coalition of politicians and moderate military figures.

On the Carlist side Ramon Cabrera rose to become the head of the Carlist party, a position he would hold until 1870 - although his switch to the regime in the Third Carlist War would prove crucial.

  Second Carlist War
The Second Carlist war started in 1846, after the failure of a scheme to marry Isabel II with the Carlist claimant, Carlos Luis de Borbón. Fighting concentrated in the mountains of South Catalonia and Teruel until 1849. The context was an agricultural and industrial crisis that hit Catalonia in 1846, together with unpopular taxes and military service laws introduced by the government of Ramon Maria Narvaez.

Other critical factor would be the presence of trabucaires or Carlist fighters of the First Carlist War who had not surrendered to the government or fled to exile. Those circumstances resulted in the creation of the first parties in 1846. Usually, no more than 500 men and always directed by a cabecilla or chief, often a veteran from the first war, these groups attacked politics and military units.

As 1847 ended with an escalation of the fighting, Carlists gathered 4,000 men in Catalonia backed up by progressives and republicans. In 1848, Carlists finally rose up in many parts of Spain specially Catalonia, Navarre, Gipuzkoa, Burgos, Maestrat, Aragon, Extremadura and Castille. The uprising went wrong for the Carlists in almost all parts except Catalonia and Maestrat, where Ramon Cabrera arrived in mid-1848 to create the Ejército Real de Cataluña. However, the failure of the uprising in many of parts of Spain and the campaign conducted by Manuel Gutiérrez de la Concha weakening the Carlist presence and parties in Catalonia during fall 1848, condemned the Carlist cause to a fiasco. In January, liberal army in Catalonia numbered 50,000 men against 26,000 Carlists. The detention of Carlos VI in the frontier when he was trying to reach Spain put an end to the uprising in April 1849. Outnumbered, without a leader and having failed to achieve a victory in all fronts, Ramon Cabrera and Carlists in Catalonia fled to France in the months of April and May 1849. Later, an amnesty announced by the government convinced some of them to return home but most of them stayed in exile.


Caricature of the Carlists (1870)
Spain's political situation before the war
Beside opposing ideals, the growing Industrial revolution and the constant conflict in the political statements of the society, the Third Carlist War was a culmination of a long political process. The political image of the conflict, exemplified by the struggle for the Spanish crown emmasked a more crude reality. The expansion of liberal ideals after the Napoleon Bonaparte's occupation of Spain and the subsequent fight for independence, alarmed Spain's most traditional sectors who decided to stand and fight for their ideals. Tumultuous reigns as the one of Fernando VII, Isabel II or Amadeo I give a vivid example of the political unrest present in the Spanish crown where the most traditionalists lost predominance throughout the reign of Isabel II.
Political reforms carried out by moderate liberals as De la Rosa or Cea Bermudez, Baldomero Espartero and the government formed after "La Gloriosa" in the period extending from 1833 to 1872, left the Carlists and other traditional circles in a delicate position.
The expropriations of ecclesiastic property carried out by Mendizabal (1836), followed by those of Espartero (1841) and Pascual Madoz (1855) were considered as an attack to Church and nobility.

Many nobles and Church lost real estate, which in turn got sold to high-ranking liberals, especially businessmen and merchants. These decisions contributed to stir unrest among those two important sectors of Spanish society, but were not the only important sectors to be threatened by the advance of new bourgeois liberalism—in its different versions, both economic and political. The Spanish centralizing drive (a rising Spanish nationalism) collided with long-running sources of authority other than the Spanish centralist constitution based in Madrid.

Institutional realities specific to certain territories, such as the fueros of the Basque Country, were removed by the liberal 1812 Constitution proclaimed in Cádiz, but were largely restored on the comeback of Ferdinand VII of Spain to the throne of Spain (1814).

The litigation over home rule in the Basque Country (Basque Provinces and Navarre) was an important point of confrontation. Catalonia and Aragon had lost their specific institutions and laws during and after the War of the Spanish Succession—Nueva Planta decrees, 1707-1716—and wanted to win them back. Carlists upheld these institutions in a way that during the two major Carlist wars (1833-1839 and 1872-1876) Catalonia and the Basque Country became the epicentres of the fighting.

Finally, the constant political unrest of the reign of Isabel II with many government changes and the discontent of the army officers sent to fight an unsuccessful war in Africa, convinced many traditionalists to employ the choice of an armed uprising to recall their lost privileges back. One critical event was the coronation of Amadeo I as king of Spain after the overthrow of Isabel II in 1868 by the generals Prim, Topete and Serrano. The following search of a king ended with the crowning of Amadeo I supported by the moderate liberals, but this decision was not welcomed by the Carlist sector who elevated their leader Carlos VII to the position of claimant to replace the foreign king. Once again, Spain was ready to see another fight for the crown between two declared enemies, but hiding actually a more complex array of political goals and factions.

  Spain's finances at the outbreak of war
The Spanish government struggled to balance its finances. The Treasury's leeway in 1871 was virtually non-existent, it was unable to buy gold or silver to earn solvency as it would rely on further loan requests to international financiers, either the House of Rothschild or Paribas. Under Amadeo of Savoy, the Treasury got a new loan of 143,876,515 pesetas, 72,34% provided by the Rothschild's Houses of Paris and London, for which Alphonse Rothschild and his Spanish agent Ignacio Bauer were awarded the Great Cross of Charles III. However, the loan only extended the political agony and briefly patched the financial gaps, so soon the Treasury was up for another loan request to cover the staggering public debt.

The way found by the successive Spanish governments to fix the financial woes during La Gloriosa was to pay back the debt by making new, vicious loan requests, accepting ever rising interest rates. By 1872, half of the Spanish Treasury's overall revenue was destined to pay the interests of the public debt (some as high as 22,6%). At any moment, the government could officially declare bankruptcy.

The House of Rothschild, a major beneficiary of this instability, lost any hope of a recuperation of the Spanish finances, and refused to provide further advances, refraining from engaging in major operations. The government turned to Paribas for new loans, with the French institution agreeing to a 100 million francs loan, signed in September 1872. However, in February 1873, the Republic was proclaimed, prompting the collapse of the political-economic relations framework held up to that point.

The Rothschilds and Ignacio Bauer came back to Spain in November 1873. They found the situation of public finances so ruinous that they avoided embarking in any financial operations. The Spanish government took emergency measures aimed at collecting the funds necessary for their campaign against the Carlist outbreak in the north, some of them breaking the boundaries of what could be acceptable, ethical and economically viable.

In 1874, after Serrano's military victory in Bilbao, Alphonse Rothschild wrote to their cousins in London:

The fall of the Carlists will be a great victory for the government... [However,] it would be a better victory to discard all this cancer of financiers that devour the country. That does not seem very probable though, and soon there will be no wealth in Spain. It is not really in our interest to associate with this looting more or less legal.

The most important fronts of the war were, the Basque Provinces and Navarre and the Eastern Front (Valencia, Alicante, Maestrat, Catalonia) and other minor fronts such as Albacete, Cuenca and Castilla La Mancha

Opposing plans
During the war both sides employed different kind of tactics, focused on gaining the upper hand for a final clash that would end the war. The tactics employed showed the different concept of war of both contenders and the nature of the warfare itself, focusing on mountainous and rough terrain ideal for the irregular and guerrilla style warfare.


Carlist infantry firing into liberal positions
Carlists battle dispositions
As they had done in the previous Carlist Wars, the Carlists focused on raising war parties commanded by various type of provisional commanders. These war parties would carry on an irregular warfare, focusing on guerrilla or partisan activities, attacking telegram posts, railways, outposts and employing hit and run tactics. The Carlists always tried to avoid great cities such as Bilbao or San Sebastian, because they were not able to display enough power to commit to the siege and capture of this cities. Instead, they showed great skill in attacking undefended towns or isolated outposts and employing their knowledge of the terrain to their benefit.

There were also several Carlist armies operating in the main theaters of the war, under the command of Carlos VII most trusted officers. This armies were composed by royalist volunteers which united under the Carlist banner, forming regular infantry, cavalry and artillery units. Although it was impressive, its real strength was questionable because of the low quality of many of the volunteers, possessing almost no military training and even less discipline. Another big disadvantage of the Carlist forces was the lack of a defined supply line which translated into a constant lack of horses, ammunition, weapons in case they were much of these were obsolete, artillery pieces... and the low mobility of their forces unable to use the railway. These handicaps conditionated the Carlist strategy showing their limitations to carry on an ordinary warfare, and their willingness to fight a guerrilla warfare and not committing their low trained forces in a direct clash with the liberals.


Governments Guards
Liberals plans
In response to the Carlist dispositions, the liberal's plans were to conduct a pacification war and to drive the Carlists into a decisive and direct confrontation where their superior training, equipment and leadership would prove in their words decisive. These advantages were the control of the railway system, what enabled the transport of troops and supplies from one critical sector to another in a matter of few days, the back up of the regular Spanish army and their experienced troops and officers, the support of the cities and big settlements such as Bilbao and their superiority in equipment, having better and more weapons and more manpower than the Carlists. These, were only shadowed by the political instability of the government that conditionated the campaigns and the resources available to suppress the Carlist uprising.

The guerrilla warfare carried on by the Carlists proved to be a challenging task for the liberals because of the rough terrain where it was carried on and the ability of the Carlists to employ the surrounding terrain to their benefit. All the advantages that the liberals could have over the Carlists were, however, irrelevant in this kind of terrain, leveling the balance of the war but also restricting it to concrete places of the Spanish geography. As the French were able to see in the War of Independence the suppression of guerrillas was a very hazardous and costly task that required enormous amounts of manpower and resources that in the first stages of the war the liberals were unable to provide. Only with the stabilization of the government under king Alfonso XII, were the liberals able to start turning the tide of the war in their favour.
Outbreak of the hostilities
The Carlists' plans were to call for a general uprising across Spain, hoping to gain adepts in the most discontent sectors of the Spanish population. On April 20 Don Carlos, the Carlist pretender, appointed General Rada as the chief-commander of what will be the Carlist army. After this, the plans for a general uprising were discussed and established, setting the 21 of April as the opening day of the uprising.

As explained before, the uprising began on April 21, 1872. As a response, thousands of volunteers without training and some of them even without weapons gathered in Orokieta-Erbiti (north of Navarre) waiting for Carlos's arrival. As in Navarre, Biscay also rose in arms against the government the same day and several raiding parties carried out partisan or guerrilla activities across Catalonia (under the command of general Tristany, Savalls and Castells), Castile, Aragon, Navarre and Gipuzkoa. Arriving from France on May 2, Carlos VII himself crossed the border on Vera de Bidasoa and took command of his forces in Orokieta (also spelled Oroquieta), but the quick counterattack led by the government's General Moriones and his 1,000 men, assaulting the Carlist camp in the same place during the night of the 4 May, forced Carlos VII to retreat to France where he would recover from his losses. The battle of Orokieta threatened to end the Third Carlist war, when it had hastily began. This encounter cost the Carlists 50 dead and the loss of 700 men who were taken prisoner by Moriones and the disorganization of their forces in the Basque Provinces for almost the rest of the year.
The Italians Bourbons in the Carlist War: Standing, left to right: Robert I of Parma, Henry of Bourbon-Parma, Alfonso, Count of Caserta and sitting: Charles VII of Spain.
The government's victory at Orokieta was a huge setback for the Carlists, but the war was not ended and it would last 4 more years until the liberals defeated the Carlists completely. As an immediate consequence of their defeat at Orokieta, the Carlists from Biscay under the leadership of Fausto de Urquizu, Juan E. de Orúe and Antonio de Arguinzóniz, laid down their arms and surrendered signing the conveno de Amorebieta with the General Serrano in exchange of a general indult and the possibility to scape to France or to incorporate to the national army's ranks on May 24. But not everything was dark for the Carlist cause in this initial phase of the war. In many places of Spain such as the previously mentioned Castile, Navarre, Catalonia, Aragon and Gipuzkoa Carlist parties remained active engaging government forces in heavy and savage fighting all across the land. The Carlists may have suffered a setback but they far from beaten and were still a serious threat. Arrangement signed in Amorebieta was rejected by both sides, with Serrano forced to left his post and Carlists considering the surrendered as traitors.

Meanwhile, in Catalonia the uprising started earlier than Carlos VII had expected. 70 men led by Joan Castell revolted and started raising supporters in the form of new parties. The command post was assumed by Rafael Tristany until the commander designed by Carlos VII, the Infant Alfonso, Carlos's own brother. Several efforts destinated to form a common military structure during summer 1872 were unsuccessful but the situation changed with the arrival of the infant Alfonso in December 1872. At the same time Pascual Cucala gained popular support in the Maestrat. With the arrival of the infant Alfonso and the reactivation of the war parties, Carlists were able to muster 3,000 men in Catalonia 2,000 and 850 in Valencia and Alicante respectively.

The Carlist advance
With the fail of the uprising in the Basque Provinces and Navarre and the scape of Carlos VII to France, Carlist force regrouped and reformed themselves for the next strike. All the high-ranking officials were removed, naming new ones and General Dorregaray replaced Rada as the commander in Chief of the Carlist forces in the Basque Country. A new date was established for the uprising, which would start in December 18, 1872. With that intention in mind, small cadres of trained officers entered Spain in order to create a Carlist Army in November 1872. New war parties were raised during this period, being the most famous the party led by priest Manuel Santa Cruz. After the success of the second attempt tried by the Carlists on December 18, 1872, their forces grew increasingly in the first months of 1873. In February, the Carlist Army numbered around 50,000 men on all fronts.
Basque Provinces and Navarre

In February with the abdication of Amadeo of Saboy and proclamation of a republic, General Dorregaray arrives to lead the Carlist army in the Basque Country, starting the campaign season against the republican forces. At May 5, Carlist forces under the command of Dorregaray and Rada won an important victory at Eraul (Navarre), defeating a republican army led by General Navarro, inflicting heavy casualties and taking many of his men prisoner. Three months later, Carlos VII enters the Basque Provinces and in August, Carlist forces capture the city of Estella, establishing their capital in the city and a provisional government under the leadership of Carlos VII.

The Carlist advance continued, with the inconclusive battle of Mañeru, where two forces led by the Carlist general Nicolas Olló and the republican general Moriones fought a bloody battle, the battle ended with both sides claiming victory over the other. One month later, Moriones tried an assault on Estella, defended by the Carlist general Joaquin Elio, but was repulsed with heavy casualties in the town of Montejurra although the battle was inconclusive as both sides claimed victory another time. Estella would remain as a Carlist stronghold until 1876 when it was finally taken by storm. The battles of Mañeru and Montejurra united to the victory of Belabieta near Villabona in Gipuzkoa, reaffirmed the Carlist cause in these lands, strengthening their army and morale.

  Eastern Front
Contrary to the insurrection in the Basque Provinces and Navarre, the Carlist cause in Catalonia, Aragon, Maestrat and Valencia had been successful since the initial uprising in 1872.

The arrival of the infant Alfonso to take command in December 1872 strengthened the Carlist cause, but the work of other Carlist leaders as Marco de Bello, who organized created several Carlist battalions and the Compañias del Pilar in Aragon, adding more men to the Carlist cause, even when the value of such was questionable, was of important value.

The first big encounter between the opposing armies was at Alpens on July 9 where a government column led by Jose Cabrinety was ambushed by Carlist forces under Francisco Savalls.

In the following slaughter Cabrinety was killed with all his column of 800 men falling dead or being captured by Carlists.

Another important clash occurred at Bocairente on December 22, when a government force commanded by General Valeriano Weyler was attacked by a superior Carlist force led by Jose Santes.

Driven back in the initial stage of the fight, losing some pieces of artillery, Weyler was able to secure victory by leading a brilliant counter-attack, routing Carlist forces.

Carlist outbreaks and domains (red) across Spain during 1874
Basque Provinces and Navarre

1874 would be the turning point of the war in this region, marking the limit of the Carlist advance with the siege of Bilbao and the battles near Estella carried out by both sides. Carlists encouraged by their recent successes and the instability of the republican government decide to deliver a critical blow to the government by sieging Bilbao. The city was held by a garrison of 1.200 men led by General Ignacio del Castillo who faced a Carlist army led by Joaquin Elio and Carlos VII himself, numbering around 12,000 troops from Alava, Navarre and Viscay. At the same time, an strong force was tasked to Gipuzkoa to secure the region which finally did after capturing Tolosa on February 28. The siege of Bilbao would last from February 21, 1873 until May 2, 1874. It will be the turning point of the Third Carlist war in the Basque Provinces and Navarre with brutal fighting between both sides for the possession of the city.
Siege of Bilbao
The Carlist siege of Bilbao started on February 21, 1874, with entrenchment of the Carlists in the hills around Bilbao and the cutting of the river supply-line and communications along the Ibaizabal. Carlist besiegers numbered around 12,000 men, facing 1,200 liberals plus citizens of Bilbao recruited to serve as auxiliaries. Bombardment of the city began the same day, with the Carlist artillery opening fire from their positions in the hills near Bilbao. The initial objective were the civilian structures such as food stores, bakeries and markets who provided food to the besieged citizens. Trying to undermine the determination and willingness of the citizens to resist, the Carlists continued with the bombardment until mid-April, when the attempts of lifting the siege by the liberal army under Serrano forced Carlists to invert the ammunition in the liberation army, ceasing with the bombardment. By the time government forces liberated Bilbao the city was about to surrender of starvation due to the Carlist blockade.

Republican commanders, determined to lift the siege and liberate Bilbao started a counter offensive. In February 24, Serrano sent Moriones with a relief force of 14,000 men. Carlist besiegers entrenchened around the town of Somorrostro under the command of Nicolas Ollo repelled the attackers causing them great losses, 1,200 republican were dead with more wounded. As the assault was halted Moriones lost his mind, being removed from command. Another attempt was made in March 25–27. Serrano took command in person of 27,000 men and 70 pieces of artillery and assaulted once again in the town of Somorrostro. Joaquin Elio, Carlist commander in Somorrostro had 17,000 men able to repel the attack. After three days of heavy fighting around Carlist positions republican forces were driven out. The siege was finally lifted with a renewed offensive on May 1, which succeeded in turning the Carlist flank, forcing them to retire in good order. Serrano entered Bilbao the next day.

  Government advance against Estella
With the Carlist siege of Bilbao broken, Marshal Serrano sends General Manuel Gutiérrez de la Concha to lead an attack against the Carlist capital of Estella. Defended by Generals Torcuato Mendiri and Dorregaray, the garrison of Estella took positions in the hills on the approach to the town, near Abárzuza, repelling government forces after savage fighting that lasted from June 25 until the 27. Half-starved and tired by the long march, government forces were no match for the well entrenched Carlists and after suffering 1,000 casualties, Gutiérrez de la Concha himself amongst them, were routed by Mendiri.

Despite they were forced to lift the siege of Bilbao Carlists still held the Basque Provinces and most of Navarre under their control in September 1874, exceptuating the capitals, and fielded a 24,000 strong army. Despite their recent defeat at Abárzuza, government forces made more attempts to take the Carlist capital of Estella. The next one would be a diversionary attack led by Moriones at southeast of the town on Oteiza at August 11. This time, government forces were able to defeat Carlist under the command of Mendiri, forces gaining a small tactical victory but at a great cost of lives.

Eastern Front
As it had been in the Basque Provinces and Navarre, 1874, would be the turning point of the war. It started with small Carlist defeat in Caspe (Aragon) where a government force under Colonel Eulogio Despujol surprised Manuel Marco de Bello's forces in the town of Caspe, defeating them and forcing to flee in disorder. 200 Carlists were taking prisoner during this brilliant surprise attack. However, Carlists, reinforced by reinforcements from the Vallés (Tarragona), sent by infant Alfonso, would be able to establish a small state in the Maestrat, centered around the town of Cantavieja. They repelled several attacks to Cantavieja but were finally forced to capitulate after a siege.

In the meantime, Carlist forces in Catalonia were extremely active in Girona and Tarragona. In March, a force commanded by Francesc Savalls laid siege to Olot (Girona) and frustrated the attempts to relieve the town by defeating a relieve an army led by Ramon Nouvilas at Castellfollit de la Roca on March 14. The battle ended with the capture of 2,000 men and Nouviles himself. Olot capitulated two days after the battle. Immediately, catalonian Carlists set their capital at Olot forming a new government in San Joan de les Abadeses with Rafael Tristany as head of the state. The main objective of the government was to establish a political administration under territories held by Carlist forces in Catalonia. At Tarragona Infant Alfonso started gathering his forces at Tortosa. Seeing an opportunity to gain the initiative, Colonel Eulogio Despujol, victorious over Carlists at Caspe, attacked a Carlist stronghold led by Colonel Tomas Segarra at Gandesa on June 4, taking it and inflicting 100 casualties to the Carlists. This success, however, would be irrelevant in the outcome of the war, because Infant Alfonso gathered a 14,000-strong army and marched to Cuenca one month later. Cuenca at 136 km from Madrid capitulated after two days of siege and was brutally sacked, but a government's counter-attack defeated the disordered Carlists, who withdrew beyond the river Ebro. In October the splitting of Carlist armies of the centre and Catalonia dictated by Carlos VII and the rivalries between Savalls and Infant Alfonso, forced the latter to give up his command and to leave Spain.

The Battle of Treviño, 7 July 1875. Painting by Francisco Oller
Stalemate in the Basque Country and the fall of Catalonia

The pronounciamiento of General Arsenio Martinez de Campos and Brigadier Daban, proclaiming the restoration of the monarchy at December 29, 1874, united to enthronation of Alfonso XII, Isabel II's son as king, and finally manifest of Ramon Cabrera to the nation and the Carlists announcing his support to the monarch, undermined Carlist cause setting the basis for the end of the war. Several Carlist leaders (Savalls, Mendiri, Dorregaray and many more) are put on trial by disloyalty or removed from the command on 1875. From this point onward, Carlists will fight to defend the holdings gained to the republicans in 1873–1874.
Basque Country

"We know without a doubt that triggered by the extermination policy of the Alfonsino party and the unswerving faith of our brothers, the Basque-Navarrese Country would rather proclaim independence than kneel under sir Alfonso, should sir Charles VII surrender in the battlefield shrouded in his glorious flag."

Weekly periodical La bandera carlista, 19/09/1875
The restoration of the monarchy and internal dissensions promoted by the royal sympathizer Ramon Cabrera in the Carlist ranks proved fatal for the Carlist cause. Many Carlist high-ranking officers defected and joined the government's army, spreading mistrust and suspicion climate at the Carlist headquarters. Although shaken by recent events, Carlists showed that they had not been defeated yet. On February 3, General Torcuato Mendiri was able to surprise a government's column near Lácar, east of Estella, recently captured by them. In the subsequent battle, the Carlists captured some pieces of artillery, 2,000 rifles and 300 prisoners. Carlist success could have been more decisive if Alfonso XII, who was travelling with the column had not eluded capture. 1,000 men died during the battle, most of the governmental troops. Once again the Carlists showed that they dominated the art of surprise attack.

The defeat at Lácar did not stop the Spanish government, who launched another offensive in summer 1875. This time, the central government's force advancing over Navarre under General Jenaro de Quesada's orders encountered a Carlist army led by General José Pérula at Treviño on July 7. General Tello, Quesada's subordinate, won a decisive victory over the Carlist army, forcing it to retreat in disarray. Soon afterwards, Quesada entered Vitoria unopposed and triumphant. Governmental forces continued their offensive during summer and fall with two armies encroaching Carlist territory, one led by General Quesada and the other by General Martinez Campos. Carlists responded with a scorched-earth tactic, burning crops and leaving areas they could not hold against the government's advance. The change on the Carlist leadership, with the dismissal of Mendiri and the naming of the Count of Caserta as commander in chief did not stabilize the situation. Even having 48 infantry battalions, 3 cavalry regiments, 2 engineer battalions and 100 pieces of artillery under his command, Caserta was not able to bring government's advance to a halt.

  Eastern Front
After the defeat at Cuenca and the renounce of infant Alfonso to the command, Carlist cause in Catalonia starts to collapse. The process will be accelerated by the government's offensive that will take Olot in March and lay siege to the Seo de Urgel which will be taken on August. The fighting in Catalonia will last until November 19 when it is considered as "pacified" and free of Carlist parties.

End of the war

Having lost the war in Catalonia, and confronted to the unstoppable advance of the two government's armies of Generals Martinez Campos and Quesada, Carlists began to prepare their last stand in the Basque Provinces and Navarre to confront an imminent massive offensive. The final battle of the war would be fought on Estella. Government forces, in a final offensive to put an end to the Carlist uprising under General Primo de Rivera advanced to capture Estella in February 1876. Once again Carlist forces, this time under General Carlos Calderón, fortify themselves at Montejurra, building a powerful stronghold.

The battle began with a government's attack on 17 February which forces Carlists soldiers to withdraw from their defensive positions. The courageous and decided defense inflicted many casualties on government forces, but it did not change the course of the battle. At this point, an estimate sets the number of Basque Carlist volunteers at 35,000, while the Spanish troops numbered 155,000. On February 19, government forces drove through the weak Carlist forces protecting Estella, taking the city by storm. The loss of their capital convinced the remaining Carlist forces that their cause was now lost and they began to head to exile; Carlos VII was amongst them. He left Spain on February 28, the same day that Alfonso XII entered Pamplona with a 200,000-strong army (cf. Uriarte, J.L. 2015), ending the last of the Carlist wars.

The end of the conflict marked the end of an era, the dawn of a new political system and a new social reality that affected all Spain. The rise of the new regime came about at the cost of much violence and little negotiation. The modern constitutional monarchy based its power on a military and paramilitary police force solidified during the 19th century both in the defense of the centralist state and stamping out popular uprisings. It thus guaranteed the preservation and extension of the interests of Spain's political and economic oligarchy, i.e. the agrarian aristocracy and the industrial burgoisie.

Accordingly, a new political culture emerged, associated to the need to create a modern Spain: Spanish nationalism. This was an ideology pivoting on the premises of centralization and homogeneity, as pointed by Adrian Shubert, an idea rejected by many Spanish citizens and bequeathing a contentious legacy that still persists, the national problem.

Abolition of self-government
The relentless centralizing drive of the Spanish Crown led after the end of the First Carlist War to the reduction of the Basque institutional and legal system (1839-1841), but it was only after the Third Carlist War that it was virtually wiped out. Out of the huge army occupying Pamplona, 40,000 stationed in the Basque Provinces, where martial law was imposed. The Carlist defeat prompted the end of the secular confederate Basque self-government.

However, pragmatic considerations left the Spanish premier Canovas del Castillo with no option but talks with the Basque Provinces (May 1876). This took the shape of close-doors negotiations with high-ranking officials of the regional chartered councils, so by-passing the representative assemblies, or Juntas Generales. Since the chartered councils had remained in the capital cities during war, these officials were Liberals, still favouring the preservation of the "7-centuries long" home rule. By contrast, the Spanish premier, unlike Espartero decades earlier, stated that the fueros were nothing but "privileges granted by the Spanish monarchs."

After a number of heated debates and close-doors meetings, no agreement was reached, and the July 1876 Law abolished Basque home rule. Frustrated, the Basque MPs in Madrid abandoned their seats in clamorous silence.

  The official decree was approved on July 21, 1876 by prime minister Antonio Canovas del Castillo, who abolished the Basque institutional system of Biscay, Álava, and Gipuzkoa, virtually assimilating it to the status held by Navarre (established in 1841). As stated by the Chair of the Council of Ministers, the Abolition Act was "a punishment law," and guaranteed "the expansion the Spanish constitutional union to all Spain," as stated by Canovas. A unitarian and central administration was established in Spain cut out according to a Spanish-Castilian pattern. The first article of the July 21, 1876 law proclaimed:

The duties that the politic Constitution has imposed upon the Spanish people to do the military service when they call the law and, to contribute in proportion of their assets to the state expenditures, to the inhabitants of the Provinces of Biscay, Gipuzkoa and Álava, just as others of the Nation.

Besides the above districts, Navarre was affected, but for the moment it was spared from further curtailments due to their 1841 "Compromise Act" (Ley Paccionada) that turned officially the semi-autonomous Kingdom of Navarre into another province of Spain. As of then, the Basques were forced to enrol in the Spanish military on an individual basis, and not in separate groups or corps, despite the fact that many Basques could hardly articulate a pair of phrases in Spanish, exposing them at best to stressful experiences.

Basque Economic Agreement
When the Basque self-government was abolished, Spanish tax collectors may have been expected, as a centralist state, to collect the Basques' fiscal contribution to the government. However, the Basque Liberal elite based in the capital cities, initially hang onto home rule and the pre-war political status.
In the midst of military occupation, 2-years-long negotiations of the Canovas government with Liberal chief officials of the Basque Provinces eventually led to the 1st Basque Economic Agreement, a system in which the newly established provincial councils were responsible for the tax collection in the province, and then a negotiation was established for the global contribution to the central government.
By means of this pact, the Spanish government theoretically managed to diffuse any lingering regionalist sentiment, besides creating a solid basis for both industrial development, and political and administrative consolidation of the centralized government.

Industrial expansion in the Basque Country
Another consequence of the Carlist defeat and ensuing abolition of the Basque institutional system was the Liberalization of the industries on the Basque Provinces, especially in Biscay.
The liberalization of the mines, industries and ports attracted many companies, specially British Mining Companies, that established in Biscay along with small local societies, such as Ybarra-Mier y Compañía, creating a big industrial society, based on iron mining and industry.

Canovas del Castillo, one of the masterminds of the Restoration and leader of the conservative party
These expansion created very big mining companies, such as Orconera Iron Ore Company Limited and Societé Franco-Belge des Mines de Somorrostro.

The industrial expansion of Biscay had two main consequences: On the one hand, the establishment of big industries brought about a big demographic change, as the previous rural society evolved into a big industrial society.

There was big immigration to this region, at first from the rest of the Basque Provinces, but then from all Spain. On the other hand, as a big working-class was formed there, the socialist movement started to grow in strength, and Trade Unions were formed.

The formation of the political Basque nationalism was another important consequence when the Basques saw their last government institutions go, leaving them widely exposed to Madrid's decisions.

Basque identity further plunged in crisis on perception that it was disappearing (institutions, language) pushed now, as never had happened before, by the massive immigration which came to the mines and metal manufacturing industries from other parts of Spain.

In December 1874, Major Martinez Campos proclaimed Alfonso XII as King of Spain with successful military uprising. With this action the Buorbon dynasty was restored six years after the deposition of Isabel II. The project consisted in taking advantage of the dissatisfied politics to obtain supporters to Alfonso.

Cánovas, prominent political figure of Spain, took the British monarchy and the parliamentary system as models, going to a British school, Royal Military College, Sandhurst. There, and before the military uprising of 1874, Alfonso proclaimed a manifesto, written by Canovas, which advocated monarchy as the only way to end the crisis of the revolutionary period and which set out the most important ideas of the new system of Spain under the Restoration.

The entrance of Alfonso into Spain began a long period of political stability founded on conservative values, property, monarchy, and a liberal state.

There were two main political parties, one of conservatives and the other of liberals. Each ruled in turn, with the acceptance of parliament. Other kinds of parties were out of this political two-party system.

This government was on a phenomenon known as Turnism, being an agreement between Canovas and Sagasta to serve in government in turns, with one clear objective: to support monarchy and to prevent revolutionary parties from coming to power.

To achieve this aim, they depended on the support of the oligarchy, meaning the landowners and other powerful people, and on Caciquism. They also achieved their aims by electoral fraud.

Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, head of the Liberal party
This system was composed of two major parties that were:

-The conservative party: The leader was Canovas del Castillo. It represented the interests of the landowner bourgeoisie and financial and groups of the ancient régime (aristocracy, hierarchy and Catholic groups)

-Liberal Party: Their leader was Sagasta, there were democrats, radicals and little groups of moderate republicans. The objective was incorporate to the Restoration little things of the Revolution of 1868. Supported by liberals, industrial and commercial Bourgeoisie and government employees, and from the landowner aristocracy.

The ideas were very similar in those parties. The creation of the liberal party was needed for the new system created by Canovas, because they needed one party in the opposition, but with similar political ideas, to preserve and alter the turning system.

The Constitution of 1876
The first months of the Restoration, Canovas concentrated in his figure all the powers. But to legitimate, the parliamentary monarchy he needed a constitution to regulate and guarantee the new political regime. He and his companions organized elections of male universal suffrage, to form the "cortes constituyentes" to write one new constitution. It was inspired in the constitution of 1845 but incorporated some elements of the constitution of 1869 like some rights and liberties. The new constitution announced:

-The sovereignty of the state was shared between the monarchy(the king) and the courts.
-The King was the major power and he had executive power even more than the government.
-The courts were bicameral, elitist, and guaranteed the control in the executive power by the privileged minority.
-Individual rights and freedom, although the latter were regulated by other laws.
-Catholicism was the official state religion.

Basque nationalism
One of the consequences of the abolition of the home rule left over since 1839 was an evolution of Carlism into a range of factions and the conversion of one of them into Basque nationalism. The abolition of the fueros caused a movement to defend the lost native institutional and legal framework and restore their receding signs of identity, namely Basque language and culture. The 1894 Sanrocada protest in Biscay echoed the 1893-1894 Gamazada popular uprising in Navarre (witnessed and supported enthusiastically by Sabino Arana). They sowed the seeds for the Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ-PNV), founded in 1895. Arana rejected the Spanish monarchy and founded Basque nationalism on the basis of Catholicism and the fueros. Such ideas were summarized in EAJ-PNV's motto:

     Jaungoikoa eta Lagi zaharra ("God and Tradition").

The Basque Nationalist Party was conservative in ideology, in opposition to liberalism, industrialization, Spanishness and socialism. However, it attracted a myriad of personalities concerned with the loss of Basque identity and institutions, e.g. Ramón de la Sota, an industrialist who happened to be born in Santander but a Basque himself. At the end of the 19th century the Basque Nationalist Party landed its first seats in local and regional councils. Many votes came from the rural areas and the middle class, worried by the industrialization and growing of socialism. Opposing centralism and new proletarian ideologies, Sabino Arana founded the first nationalist politic program, showing a lot of resemblance with the Carlist movement. Sabino Arana's manifesto "Bizkaya por su independencia" ('Biscay for its independence') spoke of Biscay, but pointing to a reality beyond the boundaries of each specific district, the Basques.

Sabino Arana Goiri, founder of the
Catalonian nationa
Catalan nationalism peaked when Spain lost the last colonies at 1898. In the 19th century the Catalan bourgeoisie work with the central government. They supported the succession (the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty in 1875).

The book of the federalist Valenti Almirall produced the earliest formulations of the theoretic bases of Catalan nationalism, outlined in the book Lo Catalanisme written in 1886. He was persuaded of the need to create a new political force different from the Spanish parties. He created the party "Centre Catalá" in 1882. Although the party integrated an array of different political ideas, it did have one purpose in common, the demand for autonomy (devolution).

The political project failed to progress. In the late 19th century, Catalonian nationalism was less strong in Catalonia. One section of the moderate bourgeoisie supported catalanism as a reaction to the liberal and centralist policies of the Spanish government. In this context, Enric Prat de la Riba established the "Lliga de Catalunya" in 1887, defending a Catalan traditional project, it was not republican. In 1891 the "Unió Catalanista" was founded by the convergence of different kinds of political ideas, leading to the first political program of Catalanism known as the "Bases de Manresa" (1892). They demanded one regional autonomous power, traditionalist and not liberal (suffrage by census, no references to the knights and freedom...).

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

T. F. Burgers elected President of Transvaal Republic
Burgers Thomas Francois

Thomas François Burgers, (born April 15, 1834, near Graaff-Reinet, Cape Colony [now in South Africa]—died Dec. 9, 1881, Richmond, Transvaal [now in South Africa]), theologian and controversial president (1871–77) of the Transvaal who in 1877 allowed the British to annex the republic.


President Dr. Thomas François Burgers,
c. 1877
  After graduating as a doctor of theology from the University of Utrecht, Burgers in 1859 returned to Cape Colony, where he became the minister of the Dutch Reformed church in Hanover. His unorthodox views, in which he questioned the literal truth of the Bible, led to his suspension by the Cape synod (1862). The decision was reversed by higher courts, and those judgments were upheld by the British Privy Council (1867). Burgers’s eloquence and culture recommended him to influential Transvaalers seeking a successor to Pres. Marthinus W. Pretorius, who had resigned in 1871. Elected by a large majority, Burgers took office in July 1872, but his sophisticated ideas in government, education, and religion soon antagonized the Boers. To further his scheme to link the Transvaal by rail to Delagoa Bay, on the Indian Ocean, he traveled to Europe in 1875 to raise money. The now unpopular Burgers returned to engage in an inconclusive war with the Pedi chief Sekhukhune, whose lands were wanted by Boer cattle farmers and were rumoured to contain gold. In 1877 an insolvent Transvaal was annexed by a British government eager to promote federation in Southern Africa; this was supported by pro-British elements—especially the emergent gold-mining interests—within the country. After delivering a protest, a dispirited Burgers, weakened by the refusal of the Transvaal’s Volksraad (legislative body) to support emergency taxation to deal with the invasion, surrendered the republic to Sir Theophilus Shepstone and his annexing force of 25 policemen representing the British crown. Burgers then retired into obscurity.

Encyclopædia Britannica

Ballot Act 1872

The Ballot Act 1872 was an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom that introduced the requirement that parliamentary and local government elections in the United Kingdom be held by secret ballot.

Employers and land owners had been able to use their sway over employees and tenants to influence the vote, either by being present themselves or by sending representatives to check on the votes as they were being cast. Radicals, such as the Chartists, had long campaigned for this system to end with the introduction of a secret ballot.

The Representation of the People Act 1867 (the Second Reform Act) enfranchised the skilled working class in borough constituencies, and it was felt that, due to their economic circumstances, these voters would be particularly susceptible to bribery, intimidation, or blackmail.

The radical John Bright expressed concerns that tenants would face the threat of eviction were they to vote against the wishes of their landlord. It fell to Edward Aldam Leatham, husband of John Bright's sister, to introduce the Ballot Act on leave.

Many within the establishment had opposed the introduction of a secret ballot. They felt that pressure from patrons on tenants was legitimate and that a secret ballot was simply unmanly and cowardly. Lord Russell voiced his opposition to the creation of a culture of secrecy in elections which he believed should be public affairs. He saw it as 'an obvious prelude from household to universal suffrage'.

  Election spending was, at the time, unlimited and many voters would take bribes from both sides. While the secret ballot might have had some effect in reducing corruption in British politics, the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883 formalised the position and is seen by many to have been the key legislation in the attempts to end electoral corruption.

This Act, in combination with the Municipal Elections Act 1875 and the Parliamentary Elections (Returning Officers) Act 1875, is considered to have ushered in the electoral practices of today.

Effect of the Act
The secret ballot mandated by the Act was first used on 15 August 1872 to re-elect Hugh Childers as MP for Pontefract in a ministerial by-election, following his appointment as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. The original ballot box, sealed in wax with a liquorice stamp, is held at Pontefract museum.

The Ballot Act 1872 was of particular importance in Ireland, as it enabled tenants to vote against the landlord class in parliamentary elections. The principal result of the Act was seen in the General Election of 1880, which marked the end of a landlord interest in both Ireland and Great Britain.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Grant Ulysses reelected President of U.S. (in spite of public scandals during his administration)

Ulysses S. Grant, some time after the Civil War
Compulsory military service introduced in Japan
Amnesty Act of 1872

U.S. General Amnesty Act pardons most ex-Confederates

The Amnesty Act of May 22, 1872 was a United States federal law that removed voting restrictions and office-holding disqualification against most of the secessionists who rebelled in the American Civil War, except for some 500 military leaders of the Confederacy. The act was passed by the 42nd United States Congress and the original restrictive Act was passed by the United States Congress in May 1866.

The 1872 Act affected over 150,000 former Confederate troops who had taken part in the American Civil War.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Blum Leon

Leon Blum, (born April 9, 1872, Paris—died March 30, 1950, Jouy-en-Josas, France), the first Socialist (and the first Jewish) premier of France, presiding over the Popular Front coalition government in 1936–37.


Leon Blum
  Blum was born into an Alsatian Jewish family. Educated at the École Normale Supérieure, he proceeded to study law at the Sorbonne, graduating in 1894 with the highest honours, and thereafter he made his name as a brilliant literary and dramatic critic. The Dreyfus affair brought him into active politics on the side of the republican Dreyfusards, and his close association with Jean Jaurès, whom he greatly admired, eventually led to his joining Jaurès’s French Socialist Party in 1904.
Blum was first elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1919. His first task was to reconstruct the Socialist Party after the split of December 1920, when the Communist section of it won a majority at the party’s Congress of Tours and so inherited the party machinery, funds, and press. Blum ranks in history as the maker of the modern French Socialist Party and of its chief journal, Le Populaire. He led the opposition to the governments of Alexandre Millerand and Raymond Poincaré and in 1924 supported Edouard Herriot’s Cartel des Gauches (Radical coalition), though refusing to participate in the ministries of Herriot and Aristide Briand. In the elections of 1928 the Socialist Party won 104 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, but Blum himself was defeated. A year later he was returned for Narbonne, which also returned him in 1932 and again in 1936.

After the right-wing demonstrations in Paris of February 1934, Blum worked for solidarity between Socialists, Radicals, and all other opponents of Fascism.

In 1932 he had developed a Socialist program of pacifism, nationalization of French industry, and measures against unemployment. These efforts contributed to the formation of the electoral alliance of the left known as the Popular Front, which in the elections of April and May 1936 won a large majority in the Chamber. Blum, its chief architect, became premier as leader of the Popular Front government of June 1936. He was the first Socialist and the first Jew to become premier of France. His government introduced, against considerable opposition, the 40-hour workweek and secured paid vacations and collective bargaining for many workers; it nationalized the chief war industries and the Bank of France, and carried other social reforms. Its most intractable problem was national defense against the growing power of the Rome-Berlin axis, and its policy of “nonintervention” in the Spanish Civil War was denounced as appeasement. Blum’s plans to establish effective state controls over private industry and finance aroused bitter hostility among French business leaders, who refused to cooperate with his government, and it was at this time that sections of the right wing adopted the ominous slogan, “Better Hitler than Blum.”

In June 1937 Blum resigned after the conservative majority in the Senate refused to grant him emergency decree powers to tackle the country’s financial difficulties. Modified Popular Front governments were formed by Camille Chautemps, in which Blum served as vice-premier, and by Blum again in March 1938. He refused office under his successor, Edouard Daladier.

Leon Blum, 1945
  In October 1940, after the French collapse in World War II, Blum was indicted by the Vichy government on charges of war guilt, and in February 1942 he was brought to trial at the court of Riom.

The powerful defense put up by Blum and his codefendants so greatly discomfited the Vichy authorities and so irritated the Germans that in April the hearings were suspended indefinitely, and Blum was returned to prison. In the closing days of the war, Blum and other high-profile prisoners were transferred from the Dachau concentration camp to a hotel in the Tirolean countryside, where they were ultimately freed by Allied forces in May 1945.

After the liberation of France, Blum emerged as one of France’s leading veteran statesmen, and in the spring of 1946 he negotiated a U.S. loan to France of $1.37 billion for postwar reconstruction. In December 1946 he formed a monthlong “caretaker government,” the first all-Socialist French ministry, pending the election of the first president of the new Fourth Republic.

Blum retired from public life in January 1947 but served as vice-premier in André Marie’s ministry of August 1948. He lived in retirement thereafter at his estate at Jouy-en-Josas.

Encyclopædia Britannica
Coolidge Calvin

Calvin Coolidge, in full John Calvin Coolidge (born July 4, 1872, Plymouth, Vermont, U.S.—died January 5, 1933, Northampton, Massachusetts), 30th president of the United States (1923–29). Coolidge acceded to the presidency after the death in office of Warren G. Harding, just as the Harding scandals were coming to light. He restored integrity to the executive branch of the federal government while continuing the conservative pro-business policies of his predecessor.


Calvin Coolidge
  Early life and career
Coolidge was the only son of John Calvin Coolidge and Victoria Moor Coolidge. His father, whose forebears had immigrated to America about 1630, was a storekeeper who instilled in his son the New England Puritan virtues—honesty, industry, thrift, taciturnity, and piety—while his mother cultivated in him a love of nature and books. A graduate of Amherst College, Coolidge began practicing law in 1897. In 1905 he married Grace Anna Goodhue, a teacher in the Clarke Institute for the Deaf, with whom he had two sons.

A Republican, Coolidge entered politics as a city councilman in Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1898. He was elected mayor of Northampton in 1909 and then served in the Massachusetts state government as senator (1911–15) and lieutenant governor (1915–18). Elected governor in 1918, Coolidge captured national attention the following year when he called out the state guard to quell violence and disorder resulting from a strike by the Boston police, who had formed a labour union to press their demands for better pay and working conditions. When labour leaders called on him to support their demands for reinstatement of police officers who had been fired for striking, Coolidge refused, summing up his reasoning in a single sentence that reverberated throughout the country: “There is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.”

That statement—combined with Coolidge’s strong stand against the Boston police at a time when many Americans viewed organized labour as too radical—catapulted Coolidge onto the Republican Party’s ticket in 1920 as Harding’s vice-presidential running mate. The personality of the taciturn Coolidge could not have provided a greater contrast to that of the gregarious Harding. In terms of policy, however, Harding and Coolidge were nearly identical. Both were members of the Old Guard Republicans, that conservative segment of the party that had remained with President William Howard Taft in 1912 when Theodore Roosevelt left to form the Bull Moose Party. Promising the American people a “return to normalcy,” Harding and Coolidge achieved the greatest popular vote margin in presidential elections to that time, crushing the Democratic ticket of James Cox and Franklin Delano Roosevelt by 60 to 34 percent. The electoral vote was equally one-sided: 404 to 127.

Calvin Coolidge
Acceding to the presidency upon Harding’s unexpected death (August 2, 1923), Coolidge took the oath of office from his father, a notary public, by the light of a kerosene lamp at 2:47 am on August 3 at the family home in Plymouth, Vermont. He inherited an administration mired in scandal.

Cautiously, quietly, and skillfully, Coolidge rooted out the perpetrators and restored integrity to the executive branch. A model of personal rectitude himself, Coolidge convinced the American people that the presidency was once again in the hands of someone they could trust.

The change of ambience in the White House did not miss the keen eye of Alice Roosevelt Longworth, daughter of President Theodore Roosevelt, who said that the new White House was “as different as a New England front parlor is from a backroom in a speakeasy.”

At the Republican convention in 1924 Coolidge was nominated virtually without opposition. Running on the slogan “Keep Cool with Coolidge,” he won a landslide victory over conservative Democrat John W. Davis and Progressive Party candidate Robert La Follette, gaining about 54 percent of the popular vote to Davis’s 29 percent and La Follette’s nearly 17 percent; in the electoral college Coolidge received 382 votes to Davis’s 136 and La Follette’s 13.
Coolidge was famous for being a man of few but well-chosen words. Despite his reputation, “Silent Cal,” as he was called, had a keen sense of humour, and he could be talkative in private family settings. His wit was displayed in a characteristic exchange with a Washington, D.C., hostess, who told him, “You must talk to me, Mr. President. I made a bet today that I could get more than two words out of you.” Coolidge replied, “You lose.”

Coolidge captured the prevailing sentiment of the American people in the 1920s when he said, “The chief business of the American people is business.” The essence of the Coolidge presidency was its noninterference in and bolstering of American business and industry. Government regulatory agencies, such as the Federal Trade Commission, now were staffed by people who sought to assist business expansion rather than to police business practices. Most Americans, identifying their own prosperity with the growth of corporate profits, welcomed this reversal of progressive reforms. They generally agreed with the assessment of Oliver Wendell Holmes, associate justice of the Supreme Court: “While I don’t expect anything very astonishing from [Coolidge] I don’t want anything very astonishing.”

Calvin Coolidge
Key to the conservative, pro-business focus of the Coolidge administration was Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon. A multimillionaire himself, Mellon believed strongly that reducing taxes for the rich was the best way to expand the nation’s wealth. He held that, as the rich invested funds that otherwise would have been taken away in taxes, new businesses would form and older enterprises would expand and that the result would be more jobs and greater national production. Under the leadership of Coolidge and Mellon, Congress sharply reduced income taxes and estate taxes.

One form of business enterprise, however, received almost no help from the Coolidge administration: agriculture. Farmers constituted the one group of producers clearly not participating in the decade’s prosperity. Twice Congress passed the McNary-Haugen bill, calling for the federal government to purchase surplus crops. Twice (1927 and 1928) Coolidge vetoed it, and the economic woes of American farmers persisted well into the following decade. Coolidge also vetoed a bill offering a bonus to veterans of World War I; Congress overrode that veto in 1924.

Reflecting its focus on internal economic growth, the Coolidge administration showed little interest in events outside the nation’s borders. Coolidge adamantly opposed U.S. membership in the League of Nations, though he did increase unofficial American involvement in the international organization. Ironically for such an inward-looking administration, two of its members received the Nobel Prize for Peace. In 1925, Vice President Charles G. Dawes won the prize for his program to help Germany meet its war debt obligations, and Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg won it in 1929 for his role in negotiating the Kellogg-Briand Pact, a multinational agreement renouncing war as an instrument of national policy.


Calvin and Grace Coolidge.
Life after the presidency
In 1928, announcing, “I do not choose to run,” Coolidge turned his back on what surely would have been another election victory and instead retired to Northampton. There he wrote a syndicated newspaper column, several magazine articles, and his autobiography (1929). And there, a little less than four years after leaving the White House, he died of a heart attack. After his death, as the country suffered through the worst economic crisis in its history, many came to view the Coolidge era as a time of inaction and complacency in the face of looming disaster. Although Coolidge’s personality continued to be the butt of jokes—upon hearing that Coolidge was dead, the writer Dorothy Parker quipped, “How can they tell?”—he was fondly remembered for his quiet New England virtues and for the renewed dignity and respect he brought to his office.

Coolidge was survived by first lady Grace Coolidge, a woman whose outgoing personality contrasted sharply with that of her tight-lipped spouse. She lived another 24 years, during which time she devoted herself to the needs of the hearing-impaired.

Encyclopædia Britannica
Mazzini Giuseppe, Italian patriot and nationalist, d. (b. 1805)

Photograph of Mazzini by Domenico Lama

  BACK-1871 Part IV NEXT-1872 Part II