Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 
 

TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 

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1800 - 1899
 
 
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1848 Part I NEXT-1848 Part III    
 
 
     
1840 - 1849
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840-1849
History at a Glance
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part I
Bebel August
Maximilian of Mexico
Carlota
Convention of London
British North America Act
Francia Jose Gaspar
Macdonald Jacques
William I of the Netherlands
William II of the Netherlands
Retour des cendres
Lambton John George
Vaillant Edouard-Marie
Sampson William
Smith William Sidney
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part II
Ridpath John Clark
Sankey Ira David
James Fenimore Cooper: "The Pathfinder"
Blunt Wilfrid Scawen
Broughton Rhoda
Robert Browning: "Sordello"
Daudet Alphonse
Alphonse Daudet
"Tartarin de Tarascon"
Dobson Austin
Hardy Thomas
Thomas Hardy 
"Tess of the d'Urbervilles"
Lemercier  Nepomucene
Lermontov: "A Hero of Our Times"
Modjeska Helena
Symonds John Addington
Verga Giovanni
Zola Emile
Emile Zola
"
J'accuse" (I accuse)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part III
Delacroix: "Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople"
Makart Hans
Hans Makart
Monet Claude
Claude Monet
Nasmyth Alexander
Alexander Nasmyth
Nast Thomas
Nelson's Column
Rodin Auguste
Auguste Rodin
Redon Odilon
Odilon Redon
Blechen Carl
Karl Blechen
Debain Alexandre-Francois
Donizetti: "La Fille du Regiment"
Haberl Franz Xaver
Tchaikovsky Peter Ilich
Tchaikovsky - The Seasons
Peter Ilich Tchaikovsky
Schneckenburger Max
Wilhelm Karl
"Die Wacht am Rhein"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part IV
Olbers Wilhelm
Blumenbach Johann Friedrich
Ball Robert
Kohlrausch Friedrich Wilhelm
Agassiz Louis
Basedow Carl Adolph
Graves disease
Maxim Hiram
Eyre Edward John
Brummell Beau
Father Damien
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew
Washington Temperance Society
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part I
Second Battle of Chuenpee
Barere Bertrand
Fisher John Arbuthnot
British Hong Kong
Luzzatti Luigi
Merriman John
Harrison William Henry
Tyler John
Espartero Baldomero
Hirobumi Ito
Clemenceau Georges
Edward VII
Creole case
Laurier Wilfrid
New Zealand
Lamb William
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part II
Cheyne Thomas Kelly
Ludwig Feuerbach: "The Essence of Christianity"
Holmes Oliver Wendell
Holst Hermann Eduard
Jebb Richard Claverhouse
Ward Lester Frank
Black William
Robert Browning: "Pippa Passes"
Buchanan Robert
Fenimore Cooper: "The Deerslayer"
Coquelin Benoit
Dickens: "The Old Curiosity Shop"
Ewing Juliana Horatia
Sill Edward Rowland
Frederick Marryat: "Masterman Ready"
Mendes Catulle
Mounet-Sully Jean
"Punch, or The London Charivari"
Sealsfield Charles
Scott Clement William
White Joseph Blanco
Ruskin: "The King of the Golden River"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part III
Chantrey Francis
Morisot Berthe
Berthe Morisot
Renoir Pierre-Auguste
Pierre-Auguste Renoir
Wagner Otto
Wallot Paul
Olivier Ferdinand
Johann Heinrich Ferdinand Olivier
Bazille Frederic
Frederic Bazille
Zandomeneghi Federico
Federico Zandomeneghi
Guillaumin Armand
Armand Guillaumin
Chabrier Emmanuel
Chabrier - Espana
Emmanuel Chabrier
Dibdin Thomas John
Dvorak Anton
Antonin Dvorak: Rusalka
Antonin Dvorak
Pedrell Felipe
Felip Pedrell: Els Pirineus
Felipe Pedrell
Rossini: "Stabat Mater"
Sax Antoine-Joseph
Schumann: Symphony No. 1
Sgambati Giovanni
Sgambati - Piano Concerto in G minor
Giovanni Sgambati
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part IV
Cooper Astley
Braid James
Hypnosis
Candolle Austin
Aniline
Kocher Emil Theodor
Kolliker Rudolf Albert
Petzval Joseph
Hudson William Henry
Warming Eugenius
Whitworth Joseph
Barnum's American Museum
Bradshaw George
Cook Thomas
Hyer Tom
"The New York Tribune"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part I
Pozzo di Borgo Charles-Andre
Las Cases Emmanuel
Webster-Ashburton Treaty
Treaty of Nanking
General Strike of 1842
O’Higgins Bernardo
Giolitti Giovanni
Fiske John
Hartmann Eduard
Hyndman Henry Mayers
James William
Kropotkin Peter Alekseyevich
Anarchism
Anarchism
Lavisse Ernest
Robertson George Croom
Sorel Albert
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part II
Banim John
Sue Eugene
Eugene Sue: "The Mysteries of Paris"
Bierce Ambrose
Brandes Georg
Bulwer-Lytton: "Zanoni"
Graham Maria
Coppee Francois
Cunningham Allan
Espronceda Jose
Gogol: "Dead Souls"
Howard Bronson
Lanier Sidney
Lover Samuel
MacKaye Steele
Maginn William
Mallarme Stephane
May Karl
Рое: "The Masque of the Red Death"
Quental Antero Tarquinio
Woodworth Samuel
Macaulay: "Lays of Ancient Rome"
Tupper Martin Farquhar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part III
Vereshchagin Vasily
Vasily Vereshchagin
Boldini Giovanni
Giovanni Boldini
Boito Arrigo
Arrigo Boito: Mefistofele Finale
Arrigo Boito
Glinka: "Russian and Ludmilla"
Hopkinson Joseph
"Hail, Columbia"
Lortzing: "Der Wildschiitz"
Massenet Jules
Massenet "Elegie"
Jules Massenet
Millocker Karl
Millocker: Gasparone
Karl Millocker
New York Philharmonic
Sullivan Arthur
Arthur Sullivan - The Mikado - Overture
Arthur Sullivan
Wagner: "Rienzi"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part IV
Dewar James
Doppler Christian Andreas
Flammarion Camille
Hansen Emile Christian
Long Crawford Williamson
Matthew Fontaine Maury
Charting the Ocean Depths
Mayer Julius Robert
Pelletier Pierre Joseph
Marshall Alfred
Strutt John William
Retzius Gustaf
Fremont John Charles
Darling Grace
Polka
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part I
McKinley William
Braga Teofilo
Wairau Affray
Dilke Charles
Avenarius Richard
Borrow George
Carlile Richard
Thomas Carlyle: "Past and Present"
Creighton Mandell
Liddell and Scott: "Greek-English Lexicon"
Liddell Henry
Scott Robert
Ward James
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part II
Bulwer-Lytton: "The Last of the Barons"
Elisabeth of Romania
Dickens: "Martin Chuzzlewit"
Doughty Charles Montagu
Dowden Edward
Emmett Daniel Decatur
Hood Thomas
Thomas Hood: "Song of the Shirt"
Horne Richard Hengist
James Henry
Rosegger Peter
Suttner Bertha
Harris George Washington
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part III
Allston Washington
Washington Allston
John Ruskin: "Modern Painters"
Trumbull John
John Trumbull
Werner Anton
Anton von Werner
Clairin Georges
Georges Clairin
Donizetti: "Don Pasquale"
Grieg Edward
Grieg - Solveig Song
Edward Grieg
Nilsson Christine
Patti Adelina
Richter Hans
Schumann: "Paradise and the Peri"
Wagner: "The Flying Dutchman"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part IV
British Archaeological Association
Chamberlin Thomas Chrowder
Ferrier David
Oliver Wendell Holmes: "The Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever"
Holmes Oliver Wendell
Joule James Prescott
Koch Robert
Erbium
Brunel Marc Isambard
Thames Tunnel
Dix Dorothea Lynde
Guy's, Kings and St. Thomas' Rugby Football Club
Sequoyah
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part I
Lowe Hudson
Drouet Jean-Baptiste
Oscar I of Sweden
Dole Sanford Ballard
Laffitte Jacques
Franco-Moroccan War
Polk James Knox
Herrera Jose Joaquin
Treaty of Wanghia
Breshkovsky Catherine
Comstock Anthony
Emerson: "Essays"
Grundtvig Nikolaj Frederik Severin
Hall Granville Stanley
Nietzsche Friedrich
Friedrich Nietzsche
Rice Edmund Ignatius
Riehl Alois
Stanley Arthur Penrhyn
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part II
Bernhardt Sarah
Sarah Bernhardt
Dumas, pere: "Le Comte de Monte Cristo"
Bridges Robert
Cable George Washington
Carte Richard
Cary Henry Francis
Disraeli: "Coningsby"
France Anatole
Hopkins Gerard Manley
Lang Andrew
Liliencron Detlev
O'Reilly John Boyle
O’Shaughnessy Arthur
Sterling John
William Thackeray: "Barry Lyndon"
Verlaine Paul
Paul Verlaine
"Poems"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part III
Eakins Thomas
Thomas Eakins
Ezekiel Moses Jacob
Moses Ezekiel
Luke Fildes Luke
Luke Fildes
Leibl Wilhelm
Wilhelm Leibl
Munkacsy Mihaly
Mihaly Munkacsy
Repin Ilya
Ilya Repin
Rousseau Henri
Henri Rousseau
Cassatt Mary
Mary Cassatt
Flotow: "Alessandro Stradella"
Mendelssohn: Violin Concerto in E minor
Rimsky-Korsakov Nikolay
The Best of Korsakov
Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov
Sarasate Pablo
Pablo de Sarasate - Zigeunerweisen
Pablo de Sarasate
Verdi: "Ernani"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part IV
Grassmann Hermann Gunther
Baily Francis
Boltzmann Ludwig Eduard
DeLong George Washington
Golgi Camillo
Kielmeyer Carl Friedrich
Kinglake Alexander William
Strasburger Eduard Adolf
Huc Evariste Regis
Gabet Joseph
Sturt Charles Napier
Leichhardt Friedrich
Beckford William
Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers
"Fliegende Blatter"
Hagenbeck Carl
Keller Friedrich Gottlob
Pasch Gustaf Erik
Young Men’s Christian Association
Williams George
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part I
Root Elihu
Texas
Florida
Flagstaff War
Ludwig II of Bavaria
First Anglo-Sikh War
Sonderbund
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part II
Friedrich Engels: "The Condition of the Working Class in England"
Stirner Max
Disraeli: "Sybil, or The Two Nations"
Hertz Henrik
Prosper Merimee: "Carmen"
Рое: "The Raven"
Spitteler Carl
Wergeland Henrik
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part III
Bode Wilhelm
Hill David Octavius
Ingres: The Comtesse d'Haussonville
Oberlander Adam Adolf
Crane Walter
Walter Crane
Faure Gabriel
Faure - Pavane
Gabriel Faure
Lortzing: "Undine"
Wagner: "Tannhauser"
Widor Charles-Marie
Widor - Piano Concerto No. 1
Charles Marie Widor
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part IV
Armstrong William George
Bigelow Erastus Brigham
Cayley Arthur
Cornell Ezra
Submarine communications cable
Heilmann Joshua
Humboldt: "Cosmos"
Kolbe Hermann
Laveran Alphonse
McNaught William
Metchnikoff Elie
Charting the Northwest
Layard Austen Henry
Cartwright Alexander
United States Naval Academy
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part I
Battle of Aliwal
Battle of Sobraon
Treaty of Lahore
Greater Poland Uprising
Krakow Uprising
Mexican-American War
Battle of Monterrey
First Battle of Tabasco
Iowa
Pasic Nikola
Evangelical Alliance
Eucken Rudolf Christoph
Pius IX
Whewell William
Young Brigham
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part II
Balzac: "La Cousine Bette"
De Amicis Edmondo
Dostoevsky: "Poor Folk"
Jokai Maurus
Lear Edward
Melville Herman
Herman Melville: "Typee"
Herman Melville
"Moby Dick or The Whale"
Sienkiewicz Henryk
George Watts: "Paolo and Francesca"
De Nittis Giuseppe
Giuseppe de Nittis
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part III
Berlioz: "Damnation de Faust"
Lortzing: "Der Waffenschmied"
Mendelssohn: "Elijah"
Deere John
Deere & Company
Henle Friedrich
Howe Elias
Waitz Theodor
Mohl Hugo
Green William Thomas
Sobrero Ascanio
Heaphy Charles
Brunner Thomas
Europeans in New Zealand
"The Daily News"
Horsley John Callcott
Smithsonian Institution
Zeiss Carl
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1847 Part I
Liberia
Second Battle of Tabasco
Battle of Churubusco
BATTLE OF MEXICO CITY
Hindenburg Paul
Sonderbund War
Beecher Henry Ward
Blanc Louis
Proudhon Pierre-Joseph
roudhon: "Philosophy of Poverty"P
Karl Marx: "The Poverty of Philosophy"
Salt Lake City
Charlotte Bronte: "Jane Eyre"
Bronte Emily
Marryat: "The Children of the New Forest"
Thackeray: "Vanity Fair"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1847 Part II
Hildebrand Adolf
Liebermann Max
Max Liebermann
Friedrich von Flotow: "Martha"
Verdi: "Macbeth"
Boole George
Edison Thomas Alva
Bell Alexander Graham
Semmelweis Ignaz Philipp
Colenso William
Factory Act of 1847
Fawcett Millicent
Siemens & Halske
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part I
Frederick VII
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
Revolutions of 1848
French Revolution of 1848
June Days Uprising
Cavaignac Louis-Eugene
French Constitution of 1848
French Second Republic
Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire
Hungarian Revolution of 1848
Slovak Uprising 1848-1849
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-48 (part I)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part II
First Italian War of Independence
Skirmish of Pastrengo
Battle of Goito
Battle of Custoza
Revolutions of 1848 in the Italian states
Revolutions of 1848 in the German states
Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg
Greater Poland Uprising
Moldavian Revolution of 1848
Pan-Slav Congress of 1848
Pan-Slavism
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-48 (part II)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part III
Second Anglo-Sikh War
Nasr-ed-Din
Ibrahim Pasha
Abbas I
Wisconsin
Balfour Arthur James
Seneca Falls Convention
Stanton Elizabeth Cady
Delbruck Hans
Macaulay: "History of England"
"The Communist Manifesto"
John Mill: "Principles of Political Economy"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part IV
Augier Emile
Chateaubriand: "Memoires d'Outre-Tombe"
Dumas fils: "La Dame aux Camelias"
Gaskell Elizabet
Elizabeth Gaskell: "Mary Barton"
Murger Louis-Henri
Henri Murger: "Scenes de la vie de Boheme"
Terry Ellen
Surikov Vasily
Vasily Surikov
Uhde Fritz
Fritz von Uhde
Gauguin Paul
Paul Gauguin
Caillebotte Gustave
Gustave Caillebotte
Millais: "Ophelia"
Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part V
Parry Hubert Hastings
Jerusalem by Hubert Parry
Hubert Parry
Duparc Henri
Duparc Henri: "L'invitation au voyage"
Henri Duparc
Bottger Rudolf Christian
Parsons William
Frege Gottlob
"New Prussian Newspaper"
"Neue Rheinische Zeitung"
Grace William Gilbert
Kneipp Sebastian
Lilienthal Otto
Starr Belle
California Gold Rush
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part I
Battle of Chillianwala
Battle of Gujrat
Roman Republic on February 9, 1849
Battle of Novara
Victor Emmanuel II
Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione
Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione
Peace of Milan
Taylor Zachary
Dresden Rebellion of 1849
Surrender at Vilagos
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part II
Kemble John Mitchell
Key Ellen
Arnold Matthew
Dickens: "David Copperfield"
Kingsley Charles
Scribe: "Adrienne Lecouvreur"
Strindberg August
Smith Horace
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part III
Waterhouse John William
John William Waterhouse
John Ruskin: "The Seven Lamps of Architecture"
Carriere Eugene
Eugene Carriere
Liszt: "Tasso"
Meyerbeer: "Le Prophete"
Otto Nicolai: "The Merry Wives of Windsor"
Schumann: "Manfred"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part IV
Fizeau Armand
Frankland Edward
Livingstone David
Explorations of David Livingstone
Baines Thomas
"Who's Who"
Bedford College
Bloomer Amelia
Bloomers (clothing)
Stead William Thomas
 
 
 

Battle of Custoza
 
 
 
 
 HISTORY, RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, ART, LITERATURE, MUSIC, SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, DAILY LIFE
 
 
 
 
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
 
 
 
1848 Part II
 
 
 
1848
 
 
First Italian War of Independence
 

The First Italian War of Independence was fought in 1848 and 1849 between the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Austrian Empire. The war saw main battles at Custoza and Novara in which the Austrians under Radetzky managed to defeat the Piedmontese.

 

The revolution of 1848
In 1848 revolutionary riots broke out in numerous places of Italy, as well in many other parts of Europe. Charles Albert in Piedmont and Leopold II in the Grand-Duchy of Tuscany had been forced to make concessions to the democrats. With Vienna itself in revolt, both Milan (in the Five Days) and Venice (the short-lived Repubblica di San Marco, reconquered by the Austrians in 1849), the main cities of the Kingdom of Lombardy-Venetia, under Austrian rule, revolted. Sicily, except Messina, expelled the Bourbon armies. Charles II of Bourbon also was compelled to leave the Duchy of Parma.

The Kingdom of Sardinia decided to exploit the apparently favourable moment, and declared war on Austria, in alliance with the Papal States and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and attacked the weakened Austria in her Italian possessions.

 
The war
The Piedmontese army was composed of two corps and a reserve division, for a total of 12,000 troops. Artillery and cavalry were the best units. On March 21 the Grand Duke of Tuscany also declared his entrance in the war against Austria, with a contingent of 6,700 men. The Papal Army had a similar sized force, backed by numerous volunteers.
On March 25 the vanguard of the II Piedmontese Corps entered Milan and two days later also Pavia was freed.

After an initial successful campaign, with the victories at Goito and Peschiera del Garda, Pope Pius IX recalled his troops due to fear of possible expansions of Piedmont in case of victory. The kingdom of the Two Sicilies also retired, but the general Guglielmo Pepe refused to return to Naples and instead went to Venice to protect it against the Austrian counter-offensive. King Ferdinand II's retreat was mainly due to the ambiguous behaviour of Charles Albert of Piedmont, who had not clearly refused the proposal to obtain the Sicilian crown received from representatives of the rebellious island.

  In the revolutionary year of 1848, popular uprisings were springing up everywhere in Europe. Revolutionaries in many countries supported a revolution to establish constitutions and representative government in every corner of Europe and the world. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were among these revolutionaries. In 1848, Marx and Engels were located in Cologne, Germany where they were publishing the Neue Rheinisch Zeitung ("New Rhineland News"). In their writings for the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Marx and Engels supported the popular demands for a constitution and a democratically elected government which were being raised in the uprisings throughout Europe. Additionally, in the Italian states there was an additional popular demand for a single unified national state. Like nearly all the political left in Europe Marx and Engels strongly supported this popular national demand by the Italian people. and in Germany.

However, a split in the political left was developing over the strategy and tactics to be employed in bringing about the unified state of Italy. The specific issue causing the debate was the role that France under Louis Napoleon should play in the unification of Italy.
 
 

Battle of Pastrengo, lithography by Grimaldi de Puget
 
 
Both sides of the debate argued that uprisings of the Italian people against the foreign reactionary forces of Austria would occur as they had in the past. This time, however, it was likely to result in a unified state of Italy. One group of left revolutionaries argued that France's intervention in Italy against the Austrians would be helpful to the popular movement to unify Italy and promote democratic reform. This group argued that France would be joining the people's a war of liberation against foreign rule in Italy. According to radical émigré Ludwig Bamberger, France's role in the war would be progressive.
 
 

Battle of Custoza
 
 
The other side in this debate between the radicals of the political left argued that Napoleon III of France would imitate his uncle Napoleon I and follow up his march into Italy with another march into Germany. Napoleon III would not liberate Italy from foreign rule, but would be creating another act of foreign aggression on Italy. Radicals like Jacob Venedey actually advised that revolutionaries of the political left should actually fight with the Austrians against the French in order to further the cause of the unification of Italy. Expressing his concern over the threat Napoleon III presented to the German unification following his escapade in Italy, Venedey said, "Fight, bleed and prevail for a united Germany and you will bring the united German parliament home from the battlefield."

The French did not enter the First War for Italian Independence in 1848. When the Piedmontese Army under Carl Albert King of Sardinia marched into Austrian held Italy with the intent of linking up with the revolutionaries of Venice, the Piedmontese met the large Austrian Army under Field Marshal Josef Radetzky. At the Curtatone on May 29, 1848, the Austrians attacked a combined force of Piedmontese and Tuscan troops. Although the Austrians won the battle, the resistance offered at Curtatone allowed the Piedmontese troops to regroup and win the Battle of Goito the next day—May 30, 1848.
  However, the Piedmontese Army was defeated by Radetzky and the Austrians at Custoza on July 25, 1848. The defeat of the Piedmontese at Custoza was followed up by the capture of Milan on August 6, 1848 by the Austrians before an armistice could be signed later on August 9, 1848 between Austria and Sardinia. This armistice, however, lasted less than seven months, before Charles Albert denounced the truce on March 12, 1849. The Austrian army took the military initiative in Lombardy and heavily defeated the Piedmontese at Novara on March 23, 1849. After this victory the Piedmontese were driven back to Borgomanero at the foot of the Alps, and the Austrian forces occupied Novara, Vercelli, Trino and Brescia, with the road to the Piedmontese capital, Turin, lying open to them.

Charles Albert abdicated in favor of his son Victor Emmanuel, and a peace treaty was signed on August 9, 1849 and Piedmont-Sardinia was forced to pay an indemnity of 65 million francs to Austria.

The war marked the failure of Sardinia to defeat Austria singlehandedly. This caused Sardinia to seek allies against Austria and ultimately only with French (1859) and Prussian (1866) help would Sardinia be able to drive out the Austrians from Northern Italy.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Skirmish of Pastrengo
 

The Skirmish of Pastrengo was fought between the Piedmontese and Austrian army on 30 April 1848, in the course of the First Italian War of Independence.

 
Prelude
The Austrian forces were deployed in a way that threatened any Piedmontese attack against the fortress of Peschiera del Garda, and against Verona. Therefore, the Piedmontese High Command decided to act energetically against it to neutralize this threat, with the II Corps (commanded by General Ettore Gerbaix De Sonnaz, supported by the reserve division.

Although some sources claimed that the troops of the Kingdom of Sardinia were for the most part volunteers from regions of northern Italy, in fact those consted of four brigades of the Piedmontese regular army. Among the troops at Pastrengo, there were recorded, 1,000 volunteers from Parma, 150 volunteers from Piacenza and 400 students from Pavia and Turin.

  The Skirmish
The Piedmontese attack, while done with superior forces, was executed rather poorly, in frontal actions and without taking adequate advantage of the numerical superiority, nor with proper reconoissance done before the battle.

On the right the brigade "Savoia" proceeded slowly, hampered by the unknown terrain; on the center and right the brigades "Cuneo" and "Piemonte" met with better success, and after three hours at 14:00 the Piedmontese line began to advance. Despite attempts by the Austrian commander to delay it, the offensive proceeded up to the pontoon-bridge on the river Adige. After this success, however, the Piedmontese stopped and did not advance further.
 
 

As documented by the New monthly magazine: Vol. 83, 1848:

"On the 30th of April, what is called in the bulletin issued from the headquarters of the Sardinian army, "the first battle between the two armies of Italy," was fought. The end proposed was to occupy Bussolengo, Pastrengo, and Piovezzana, and to attempt to force the Adige. The affair commenced at half-past eleven, A.m. The Italian troops succeeded in driving the Austrians from all the positions which they occupied at Pastrengo, and in gaining the heights which command the Adige."

 
 

Charge of the Carabinieri
 
 

Aftermath
While a Piedmontese victory, it was not a complete success, since Marshal Radetzki still had full use of the vital road that connected him to Trento and the Empire; had this been cut, the Austrian situation would have become critical.

As documented by the New monthly magazine: Vol. 83, 1848:

"During the night of the 30th, Bussolengo was taken by the Sardinians, and the passage of the Adige effected at Pontone."

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Battle of Goito
 
The Battle of Goito was fought between the Piedmontese and the Austrian army on 30 May 1848, in the course of the First Italian War of Independence. The Piedmontese army won the battle, as the Austrians were unable to break through to relieve the siege of Peschiera and prevent its surrender which happened on the day before the battle.
 
Background
Having evacuated Milan after the Five Days of Milan on 22 March 1848, field marshal Radetzky regrouped his forces in the Quadrilatero, composed of the four supporting fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua, Verona and Legnago. The Piedmontese army advanced across Lombardy, brushing aside the covering forces under major general Wohlgemuth guarding the bridge over the Mincio at Goito during an engagement on 9 April 1848. The Austrians tried but failed to destroy the Goito bridge. Once across the Mincio, the Piedmontese forces fanned out towards the north and south.

On 10 April 1848, the Piedmontese army started to blockade the fortress of Peschiera, garrisoned by ca. 1,700 Austrian troops. Until the siege train arrived, the lack of siege guns hampered the effectiveness of the bombardment. Out of food after 34 days of blockade and 16 days under siege, the Austrians surrendered the fortress on 29 May 1848, just prior to the battle of Goito.

Meanwhile, Piedmontese and Austrian forces clashed in the battle of Pastrengo on 30 April 1848 on the Rivoli plateau. The first big test of arms occurred just outside Verona during the battle of Santa Lucia on 6 May 1848 where the Piedmontese army failed to defeat the Austrians. With a bloody nose, the Piedmontese army retired to the Mincio.

Unable to dislodge the Papal forces at Vicenza, field marshal Radetzky decided to concentrate his forces against the Piedmontese army. On 28 May 1848, he marched his army towards Mantua where a Tuscan Division was warily observing the fortress. While the Piedmontese army's attention was diverted by an Austrian brigade on the Rivoli plateau on 28 and 29 May 1848, field marshal Radetzky engaged and defeated the Tuscan division at the battle of Curtatone and Montanara on 29 May 1848. Many of the defeated and disillusioned Tuscan volunteers returned home, marking the end of the Tuscan division as a fighting force. Both the Piedmontese and the Austrian armies were now concentrated on the Mincio side of the Quadrilatero: the Piedmontese south of Peschiera, the Austrians in control of Mantua. Radetzky sent his troops north to relieve Peschiera.

  The battle
From Mantua, Radetzky sent his First and Reserve Corps towards Goito, while his Second Corps and the cavalry were ordered to reconnoiter towards Ceresara. The Piedmontese forces were deployed in two lines. The first line stretched from the banks of the Mincio at Goito westwards. The second line occupied heights above Goito. At around 14:00 on 30 May 1848, the cavalry vedettes of both sides established contact.
Brigade Benedek leading First Corps advanced from Sacca towards Goito, coming under artillery fire from the Italian guns on the Somenzari heights at 15:30. The Austrians deployed their own artillery (12 guns and 3 rocket tubes) but were unable to break the Italian artillery superiority. Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, displayed personal bravery by exposing himself to the enemy artillery fire, gaining a scratch wound in the process.

While Brigade Benedek remained pinned before Goito, Brigades Wohlgemuth and Strassoldo advanced on his left, brushing aside the feeble opposition (which even fired on its own troops). To stem the Austrian progress, General Bava sent forward the Guards Brigade (on the right) and Aosta Brigade (on the left) at 17:00.

The progress of the Guards Brigade was checked by Brigade Gyulai of the Second Corps which was in the process of linking up with the First Corps. Aosta Brigade pressured Brigade Wohlgemuth to withdraw. Brigade Benedek retired too when it was attacked by Neapolitan reinforcements. With darkness approaching at 19:00, both sides withdrew to their initial positions. Around this time, the King of Sardinia received the message about the Austrian surrender of Peschiera, ending the battle with the Italians in general jubilation.

Intense rainfall prevented all combat operations during the next day. Informed about the surrender of Peschiera and unable to overcome the Piedmontese army, field marshal Radetzky withdrew his forces on 2 June 1848. The Piedmontese lost 46 killed, 260 wounded and 55 missing in action at the battle of Goito. Austrian casualties were 2 officers and 65 men killed, general Felix Schwarzenberg and 18 officers and 311 men wounded, 2 officers captured, as well as 1 officer and 185 men missing in action.

 
 

Battle of Goito
 
 
Outcome
The battle was a tactical draw, neither side managing to overcome the other; however, the Piedmontese army had fought defensively and had retained control of the field of battle, and prevented field marshal Radetzky from relieving Peschiera, therefore the battle is to be considered as an Italian victory. It lulled however the Piedmontese command into a sense of complacency, which, coupled with the lack of a clear strategical plan, would eventually allow Radetzki to overcome this failure, resume the offensive (proving this in the battle of Vicenza against the Papal forces on 10 June 1848) and eventually deal a decisive defeat to the Sardinian Army at the battle of Custoza.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Battle of Custoza
 
The Battle of Custoza was fought on July 24 and 25, 1848 during the First Italian War of Independence between the armies of the Austrian Empire, commanded by Field Marshal Radetzky, and the Kingdom of Sardinia, led by King Charles Albert of Sardinia-Piedmont.
 
Background
In March 1848, the city of Milan launched an uprising against Austrian occupation. Charles Albert supported the Milanese revolt and declared war on Austria. Venice also declared its independence from Austria. The Austrian Field Marshal Radetzky withdrew his forces from Milan to the defensive positions based on the four fortresses known as the Quadrilateral: Verona, Mantua, Peschiera, and Legnago. The Piedmontese took Peschiera after a short siege, but Radetzky received substantial reinforcements.
 
 
The battle
Around the 15th July, the Piedmontese Army was widely dispersed on the war theater, from the Rivoli plateau on the north to Governolo on the south. Marshal Radetzki attacked, on July 23, the Piedmontese II Corps (commanded by General Ettore Gerbaix De Sonnaz), and forced it to retire first before Peschiera and then, after another successful attack on the 24th, behind the river Mincio, separating the Piedmontese Army in two. The Piedmontese High Command reacted slowly and uncertainly to the news coming from the north, and eventually it was decided to attack the Austrian army in the rear towards the village of Staffalo, with the bulk of the I Corps (led by General Eusebio Bava); the attack, begun in the afternoon of the 24th, was successful and the single brigade which covered this area was forced to retreat. However, this lulled the Sardinian commanders into a false sense of complacency, and spurred Radetzki to stop his advance beyond the Mincio and march on these enemy forces. For the 25th, the Piedmontese were ordered to attack the enemy further in the area, while the II Corps was instructed to support the attack from the Mincio (however General De Sonnaz refused to obey the order, claiming that his troops were too tired); but what was supposed to be an offensive soon turned into a desperate battle to hold the advancing enemy. For the whole day, the outnumbered Piedmontese were subjected by attacks by two Austrian army corps, and by the end of the day the whole line had been forced to move back; however, the retreat was done in an orderly way and with the men fighting.
 
Battle of Custoza
 
 

The aftermath
While not a total victory (in fact, the Austrians had suffered higher losses than the Piedmontese, and all the major Piedmontese units kept their cohesion and their equipment), the spirit of King Charles Albert and of his generals was all but broken; although initially intending to counterattack, the retreat behind the Mincio would only stop at Milano; after a small battle at the outskirts of the city, an armistice (originally of six weeks, then prorogued) was signed and the Piedmontese Army retreated within the borders of the Kingdom of Sardinia.

The attempt to renew the war effort the next year resulted in another victory for Radetzky and the effective end of the First Italian War of Independence; the Austrian Marshal returned all the rebellious provinces to Austrial rule.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Revolutions of 1848 in the Italian states
 

The 1848 revolutions in the Italian states were organized revolts in the states of the Italian peninsula and Sicily, led by intellectuals and agitators who desired a liberal government. As Italian nationalists they sought to eliminate reactionary Austrian control. During this time period, Italy was not a unified country, and was divided into many states, which, in Northern Italy, were ruled by the Austrian Empire.

 
A desire to be free from foreign rule, and the conservative leadership of the Austrians, led the Italian people to stage revolution in order to drive out the Austrians. The revolution was led by the state of Piedmont, one of the four states where the Austrian leaders were forced to grant liberal rights. Also, the uprisings in the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia, particularly in Milan, forced the Austrian General Radetsky to retreat to the Quadrilatero (Quadrilateral) fortresses.

King Charles Albert, who ruled Piedmont-Sardinia from 1831 to 1849, aspired to unite Italy under his leadership. He declared war on Austria and launched a full-out attack on the Quadrilateral. Lacking allies, Charles Albert was no match for the Austrian army. He was defeated at the Battle of Custoza (July 24, 1848), signed a truce, and withdrew his forces from Lombardy. Austria remained dominant in a divided Italy and the Revolution was lost.

 
 

An image of non-unified Italy (1815-1870)
 
 
Background
In 1848, what is now modern day Italy was composed of the following duchies, states, or kingdoms: in the southern Italian peninsula and the island of Sicily was the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, in the central Italian peninsula was the Papal States, in the north were the three Duchies of Parma, Tuscany and Modena, in the northwest was the Kingdom of Sardinia, which consisted of Nice, Genoa, Savoy, mainland Piedmont, and the island of Sardinia. The economy was heavily based on agriculture. Farm products were subject to unstable prices due to foreign competition, and the slowness of Italian farming contrasted to more efficient foreigners. There were food riots all through 1840 to 1847; radical groups proliferated in Rome.

On June 16, 1846 Cardinal Giovanni Masta Ferretti, was chosen to the papacy as Pope Pius IX. He was considered a liberal and aroused the hopes of political liberals and of the poor both in the Papal States and throughout Italy. He began numerous political and economic reforms. Most dramatically he immediately pardoned hundreds of political prisoners, creating a sensation. He created a Council of State in order to share his power, as well as a municipal council for Rome and a Citizens' Guard so that the middle class would be armed and support his regime. These projects raised high hopes for greater popular influence in the papal government and for Italian unification, and the disenchantment when these did not happen was severe. The reforms failed to resolve any of the grave political and economic problems of the Papal States. Pius IX refused to lead an Italian war of liberation against Habsburg Austria, because it was a Catholic stronghold. A violent uprising in Rome forced Pius to flee in November 1848. The failure of his modest liberal reforms turned him to the right, and he returned as a reactionary.

  The Revolution
After witnessing the liberal friendly events that were occurring in Rome, the people of other states started to demand similar treatment. In Sicily the people began to demand a Provisional Government, separate from the government of the mainland. King Ferdinand II tried to resist these changes, however a full-fledged revolt erupted in Sicily, a revolt also erupted in Salerno and Naples. These revolts drove Ferdinand and his men out of Sicily, and forced him to allow a provisional government to be constituted.

Notwithstanding the events in Rome and Naples, the states still were under a conservative rule. Italians in Lombardo-Veneto could not enjoy these freedoms. The Austrian Empire of this region had tightened their grip on the people by further oppressing them with harsher taxes. Tax gatherers were sent out along with the 100,000 man army standing in place, and letting their presence be known.

These revolts in Sicily helped to spark revolts in the northern Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia. Revolutions in the Lombardy city of Milan forced about 20,000 of an Austrian General Radetsky's troops to withdraw from the city. Eventually General Radetsky was forced to completely withdraw his troops from the two states, however, due to his expertise, he was able to keep the Quadrilateral fortresses of Verona, Peschiera, Legnano and Mantua.

Through his skillful tactics he brought his men that had been withdrawn into the key forts. Meanwhile, the Italian insurgents were encouraged when news of Prince Metternich abdicating in Vienna spread out, but were unable to completely eradicate Radetsky's troops. Also, by this time Charles Albert of Piedmont had published a liberal constitution for Piedmont.

 
 

Clashes between rebels and Austrians in Bologna.
 
 
In the Quadrilateral General Radetsky and his men were plotting a counterattack in order to regain their lost ground. However, they were interrupted by Charles Albert of Sardinia, the King of Sardinia, who had by then taken the forefront of the attack, and had launched an attack against the Quadrilateral. Charles charged the fortress from all sides aided by 25,000 reinforcements, who came in assistance of their fellow citizens. While journeying to the fortress preparing for the attack, Charles garnered the support of princes of other states. His fellow princes responded by sending reinforcements to his aid: Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany sent 8,000, Pope Pius contributed 10,000, and Ferdinand II sent 16,050 men on the advice of general Guglielmo Pepe. They attacked the fortresses and on May 3, 1848 succeeded in winning the battle of Goito and capturing the fortress of Peschiera.

At that point, Pope Pius IX became nervous about defeating the Austrian empire and withdrew his troops, citing that he could not endorse a war between two Catholic nations. King Ferdinand of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies also called his soldiers back and retired his troops. However, some of them did not comply with the order and continued on under the guidance of Generals Pepe, Durando and Giovanni. A year later, Charles launched another attack, but, due to the lack of troops, he was defeated in the Battle of Novara.

 
 
Aftermath
Despite the fact that Pius had abandoned the war against the Austrians, many of his people had still fought alongside Charles Albert. Count Rossi was appointed Prime Minister of Rome, however as revenge the citizens of Rome assassinated the Prime Minister and rebelled against Pius' government. Pope Pius IX then fled to the fortress of Gaeta, under the protection of King Ferdinand II.

In February 1849, he was joined by Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany who had to flee from there because of another insurrection. Piedmont was also lost to the Austrians in 1849 and Charles Albert had to abdicate leaving his son, Victor Emanuel II, to rule.
 
Giuseppe Garibaldi in Rome.
 
 
In Rome, the authority that did take over passed popular legislation to eliminate burdensome taxes and give work to the unemployed. Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini came to build a "Rome of the People," and the short-lived Roman Republic was proclaimed. The Republic succeeded in inspiring the people to build an independent Italian nation. It also attempted to improve economically the lives of the underserved by giving some of the Church's large landholdings and giving it to poor peasants. It also made prison and insane asylum reforms, gave freedom to the press, provided secular education, but shied away from the "Right to Work", having seen this fail in France.

Runaway price inflation doomed the economy of the Republic. In addition sending troops to defend the Piedmont from Austrian forces put Rome at risk of attack from Austria. However, Pope Pius appealed to Napoleon III for help. The French President saw this as an opportunity to gain Catholic support. The French army arrived by sea under the command of general Charles Oudinot, and, despite an early loss to Garibaldi, the French, with the help of the Austrians, eventually defeated the Roman Republic. On July 12, 1849 Pope Pius IX was escorted back into town and ruled under French protection until 1870.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Revolutions of 1848 in the German states
 

The Revolutions of 1848 in the German states, also called the March Revolution (German: Märzrevolution), were part of the Revolutions of 1848 that broke out in many European countries. They were a series of loosely coordinated protests and rebellions in the states of the German Confederation, including the Austrian Empire. The revolutions, which stressed pan-Germanism, demonstrated popular discontent with the traditional, largely autocratic political structure of the thirty-nine independent states of the Confederation that inherited the German territory of the former Holy Roman Empire. They demonstrated the popular desire for the Zollverein movement.

 
The middle-class elements were committed to liberal principles, while the working class sought radical improvements to their working and living conditions. As the middle class and working class components of the Revolution split, the conservative aristocracy defeated it. Liberals were forced into exile to escape political persecution, where they became known as Forty-Eighters. Many immigrated to the United States, settling from Wisconsin to Texas.
 
 
Events leading up to the revolutions
The groundwork of the 1848 uprising in Germany was laid long beforehand. The Hambacher Fest of 1832, for instance, reflected growing unrest in the face of heavy taxation and political censorship. The Hambacher Fest is noteworthy for the republicans adopting the black-red-gold colours (used on today's national flag of Germany) as a symbol of the republican movement and of unity among the German-speaking people.

Activism for liberal reform spread through many of the German states, each of which had distinct revolutions. They were also inspired by street demonstrations of workers and artisans in Paris, France, from February 22 through 24, 1848, which resulted in the abdication by King Louis Philippe of France and his going into exile in Britain. In France the revolution of 1848 became known as the February Revolution.
The revolutions spread across Europe; they erupted in Austria and Germany, beginning with the large demonstrations on March 13, 1848, in Vienna. This resulted in the resignation of Prince von Metternich as chief minister to Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria, and his going into exile in Britain. Because of the date of the Vienna demonstrations, the revolutions in Germany are usually called the March Revolution (German: Märzrevolution).

Fearing the fate of Louis-Philippe of France, some monarchs in Germany accepted some of the demands of the revolutionaries, at least temporarily. In the south and west, large popular assemblies and mass demonstrations took place. They demanded freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, written constitutions, arming of the people, and a parliament.

 
Germania, by Philipp Veit, 1848
 
 
Austria
In 1848, Austria was the predominant German state. It was considered the successor to the Holy Roman Empire, which had been dissolved by Napoleon in 1806, and was not resurrected by the Congress of Vienna in 1815. German Austrian chancellor Metternich had dominated the German Confederation from 1815 until 1848.

On March 13, 1848 university students mounted a large street demonstration in Vienna, and it was covered by the press across the German-speaking states. Following the important, but relatively minor, demonstrations against Lola Montez in Bavaria on February 9, 1848 (see below), the first major revolt of 1848 in German lands occurred in Vienna on March 13, 1848. The demonstrating students in Vienna had been restive and were encouraged by a sermon of Anton Füster, a liberal priest, on Sunday, March 12, 1848 in their university chapel. The student demonstrators demanded a constitution and a constituent assembly elected by universal male suffrage.

Emperor Ferdinand and his chief advisor Metternich directed troops to crush the demonstration. When demonstrators moved to the streets near the palace, the troops fired on the students, killing several. The new working class of Vienna joined the student demonstrations, developing an armed insurrection. The Diet of Lower Austria demanded Metternich's resignation. With no forces rallying to Metternich's defense, Ferdinand reluctantly complied and dismissed him. The former chancellor went into exile in London.

Ferdinand appointed new, nominally liberal, ministers. The Austrian government drafted a constitution in late April 1848. The people rejected this, as the majority was denied the right to vote. The citizens of Vienna returned to the streets from May 26 through 27, 1848, erecting barricades to prepare for an army offense. Ferdinand and his family fled to Innsbruck, where they spent the next few months surrounded by the loyal peasantry of the Tyrol Ferdinand issued two manifestos on May 16, 1848 and June 3, 1848, which gave concessions to the people. He converted the Imperial Diet into a Constituent Assembly to be elected by the people. Other concessions were less substantial, and generally addressed the reorganizing and unification of Germany.

Ferdinand returned to Vienna from Innsbruck on August 12, 1848.[6] Soon after his return, the working-class populace hit the streets again on August 21, 1848 to protest high unemployment and the government's decree to reduce wages. On August 23, 1848, Austrian troops opened fire on unarmed demonstrators and shot several.

In late September 1848, Emperor Ferdinand, who was also King Ferdinand V of Hungary, decided to send Austrian and Croatian troops to Hungary to crush a democratic rebellion there. On September 29, 1848 the Austrian troops were defeated by the Hungarian revolutionary forces. On October 6 through 7, 1848, the citizens of Vienna had demonstrated against the emperor's actions against forces in Hungary. As a result, Emperor Ferdinand I fled Vienna on October 7, 1848, taking up residence in the fortress town of Olomouc in Moravia, in the eastern empire. On December 2, 1848, Ferdinand abdicated in favour of his nephew Franz Joseph.

  Baden
Baden had had a liberal constitution from 1811 until reaction resulted in aristocratic rulers revoking the constitution in 1825. In 1830, Leopold of Baden became Grand Duke of the duchy. His reign brought liberal reforms in constitutional, civil and criminal law, and in education. In 1832 Baden joined the (Prussian) Customs Union. After news broke of revolutionary victories in February 1848 in Paris, uprisings occurred throughout Europe, including Austria and the German states.

Baden was the first state in Germany to have popular unrest, despite the liberal reforms. Baden happened to be one of the most liberal states in Germany. After the news of the February Days in Paris reached Baden, there were several unorganized instances of peasants burning the mansions of local aristocrats and threatening them.

On February 27, 1848, in Mannheim, an assembly of people from Baden adopted a resolution demanding a bill of rights. Similar resolutions were adopted in Württemberg, Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau, and other German states. The surprisingly strong popular support for these movements forced rulers to give in to many of the Märzforderungen (demands of March) almost without resistance.

The March Revolution in Vienna was a catalyst to revolution throughout the German states. Popular demands were made for an elected representative government and for the unification of Germany. Fear on the part of the princes and rulers of the various German states caused them to concede in the demand for reform. They approved a preparliament, which was convened from March 31, 1848, until April 4, 1848, in St. Paul's Church in Frankfurt am Main, charged with the task of drafting a new constitution, to be called the "Fundamental Rights and Demands of the German People." The majority of the delegates to the preparliament were constitutional monarchists.

Baden sent two democrats, Friedrich Karl Franz Hecker and Gustav von Struve, to the preparliament. In the minority and frustrated with the lack of progress, Hecker and Struve walked out in protest on April 2, 1848. The walkout and the continuing revolutionary upsurge in Germany spurred the preparliament to action; they passed a resolution calling for an All-German National Assembly to be formed.

On April 8, 1848, a law allowing universal suffrage and an indirect (two-stage) voting system was agreed to by the assembly. A new National Assembly was selected, and on May 18, 1848, 809 delegates (585 of which were elected) were seated at St. Paul's Church in Frankfurt to convene the Frankfurt National Assembly. Karl Mathy, a right-center journalist, was among those elected as deputy to the Frankfurt National Assembly.

Disorder fomented by republican agitators continued in Baden. Fearing greater riots, the Baden government began to increase the size of its army and to seek assistance from neighboring states. The Baden government sought to suppress the revolts by arresting Joseph Fickler, a journalist who was the leader of the Baden democrats. The arrests caused outrage and a rise in protests. A full-scale uprising broke out on April 12, 1848. The Bavarian government suppressed the revolutionary forces led by Friedrich Hecker with the aid of Prussian troops at Kandern on April 20, 1848, ending what became known as the Hecker Uprising.

 
 
In May 1849, a resurgence of revolutionary activity occurred in Baden. As this was closely connected to the uprising in the German Palatinate, it is described below, in the section titled, "The Palatinate."
 
 

Origin of the Flag of Germany: Cheering revolutionaries in Berlin, on March 19, 1848
 
 
The Palatinate
When the revolutionary upsurge revived in the spring of 1849, the uprisings started in Elberfeld in the Rhineland on May 6, 1848. However, the uprisings soon spread to the state of Baden, when a riot broke out in Karlsruhe.[18] The states of Baden and the Palatinate were separated only by the Rhine. The uprising in Baden and the Palatinate took place largely in the Rhine Valley along their mutual border, and are considered aspects of the same movement. In May 1849, the Grand Duke was forced to leave Karlsruhe, Baden and seek help from Prussia. Provisional governments were declared in both the Palatinate and Baden. In Baden conditions for the provisional government were ideal: the public and army were both strongly in support of constitutional change and democratic reform in the government. The army strongly supported the demands for a constitution; the state had amply supplied arsenals, and a full exchequer. The Palatinate did not have the same conditions.

The Palatinate traditionally contained more upper-class citizens than other areas of Germany, and they resisted the revolutionary changes. In the Palatinate, the army did not support the revolution, and it was not well supplied. When the insurrectionary government took over in the Palatinate, they did not find a fully organized state or a full exchequer. Arms in the Palatinate were limited to privately held muskets, rifles and sporting guns. The provisional government of the Palatinate sent agents to France and Belgium to purchase arms but they were unsuccessful. France banned sales and export of arms to either Baden or the Palatinate.

The provisional government first appointed Joseph Martin Reichardt, a lawyer, democrat and deputy in the Frankfurt Assembly, as the head of the military department in the Palatinate. The first Commander in Chief of the military forces of the Palatinate was Daniel Fenner von Fenneberg, a former Austrian officer who commanded the national guard in Vienna during the 1848 uprising. He was soon replaced by Felix Raquilliet, a former Polish staff general in the Polish insurgent army of 1830–31. Finally Ludwik Mieroslawski was given supreme command of the armed forces in the Palatinate, and Franz Sznayde was given field command of the troops.

Other noteworthy military officers serving the provisional government in the city of Kaiserlautern, were Friedrich Strasser, Alexander Schimmelpfennig, Captain Rudolph von Manteuffel, Albert Clement, Herr Zychlinski, Friedrich von Beust, Eugen Oswald, Amand Goegg, Gustav von Struve, Otto Julius Bernhard von Corvin-Wiersbitzki, Joseph Moll, Johann Gottfried Kinkel, Herr Mersy, Karl Emmermann, Franz Sigel, Major Nerlinger, Colonel Kurz, Friedrich Karl Franz Hecker and Hermann von Natzmer. Hermann von Natzmer was the former Prussian officer who had been in charge of the arsenal of Berlin. Refusing to shoot insurgent forces who stormed the arsenal on June 14, 1848, Natzmer became a hero to insurgents across Germany. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison for refusing orders to shoot, but in 1849, he escaped prison and fled to the Palatinate to join its insurgent forces. Gustav Adolph Techow, a former Prussian officer, also joined Palatinate forces. Organizing the artillery and providing services in the ordnance shops was Lieutenant Colonel Freidrich Anneke. He was a member of the Communist League and one of the founders of the Cologne Workers Association in 1848, editor of the Neue Kölnische Zeitung and a Rhenish District Committee of Democrats.

  Democrats of the Palatinate and across Germany considered the Baden-Palatinate insurrection to be part of the wider all-German struggle for constitutional rights. Franz Sigel a second lieutenant in the Baden army, a democrat and a supporter of the provisional government, developed a plan to protect the reform movement in Karlsruhe and the Palatinate. He recommended using a corps of the Baden army to advance on the town of Hohenzollern and declare the Hohenzollern Republic, then to march on Stuttgart. After inciting Stuttgart and the surrounding state of Württemberg, the military corp would march to Nuremberg and set up camp in the state of Franconia. Sigel failed to account for dealing the separate Town of Frankfurt, the home of the Frankfurt Assembly, in order to establish an All-German character to the military campaign for the German constitution.

Despite Sigel's plan, the new insurgent government did not go on the offensive. The uprising in Karlsruhl and the state of Baden was eventually suppressed by the Bavarian Army. Lorenz Peter Brentano, a lawyer and democrat from Baden, headed its government, wielding absolute power. He appointed Karl Eichfeld as War Minister. Later, Eichfeld was replaced as War Minister by Rudolph Mayerhofer.
Florian Mördes was appointed as Minister of the Interior. Other members of the provisional government included Joseph Fickler, a journalist and a democrat from Baden. Leaders of the constitutional forces in Baden included Karl Blind, a journalist and a democrat in Baden; and Gustav von Struve, another journalist and democrat from Baden. John Phillip Becker was placed in charge of the peoples' militia. Ludwik Mieroslawski, a Polish-born national who had taken part in the military operations during the Polish uprising of 1830–31, was placed in charge of the military operation on the Palatinate side of the Rhine River.

Brentano ordered the day-to-day affairs of the uprising in Baden, and Mieroslawski directed a military command on the Palatinate side. They did not coordinate well. For example, Mieroslawski decided to abolish the long-standing toll on the Mannheim-Ludwigshaven bridge over the Rhine River. It was not collected on the Palatinate side, but Brentano's government collected it on the Baden side. Due to the continued lack of coordination, Mieroslawski lost battles in Waghausle and Ubstadt in Baden. He and his troops were forced to retreat across the mountains of southern Baden, where they fought a last battle against the Prussians in the town of Murg, on the frontier between Baden and Switzerland. Mieroslawski and the other survivors of the battle escaped across the frontier to Switzerland, and the commander went into exile in Paris.

Frederick Engels took part in the uprising in Baden and the Palatinate. On May 10, 1848, he and Karl Marx traveled from Cologne, Germany, to observe the events of the region. From June 1, 1848, Engels and Marx became editors of the Neue Rhenische Zeitung. Less than a year later, on May 19, 1849, the Prussian authorities closed down the newspaper because of its support for constitutional reforms.

In late 1848, Marx and Engels intended to meet with Karl Ludwig Johann D'Ester, then serving as a member of the provisional government in Baden and the Palatinate. He was a physician, democrat and socialist who had been a member of the Cologne community chapter of the Communist League. D'Ester had been elected as a deputy to the Prussian National Assembly in 1848. D'Ester had been elected to the Central committee of the German Democrats, together with Reichenbach and Hexamer, at the Second Democratic Congress held in Berlin from October 26 through October 30, 1848.

 
 
Because of his commitments to the provisional government, D'Ester was unable to attend an important meeting in Paris on behalf of the German Central Committee. He wanted to provide Marx with the mandate to attend the meeting in his place. Marx and Engels met with D'Ester in the town of Kaiserlautern. Marx obtained the mandate and headed off to Paris.

Engels remained in the Palatinate, where in 1849 he joined citizens at the barricades of Elberfeld in the Rhineland, preparing to fight the Prussian troops expected to arrive against the uprising. On his way to Elberfeld, Engels took two cases of rifle cartridges which had been gathered by the workers of Solingen, Germany, when those workers had stormed the arsenal at Gräfrath, Germany. The Prussian troops arrived and crushed the uprising in August 1849. Engels and some others escaped to Kaiserlautern. While in Kaiserlautern on June 13, 1849, Engels joined an 800-member group of workers being formed as a military corps by August Willich, a former Prussian military officer. He was also a member of the Communist League and supported revolutionary change in Germany. The newly formed Willich Corps combined with other revolutionary groups to form an army of about 30,000 strong; it fought to resist the highly trained Prussian troops. Engels fought with the Willich Corps for their entire campaign in the Palatinate.

The Prussians defeated this revolutionary army, and the survivors of Willichs Corps crossed over the frontier into the safety of Switzerland. Engels did not reach Switzerland until July 25, 1849. He sent word of his survival to Marx and friends and comrades in London, England. A refugee in Switzerland, Engels began to write about his experiences during the revolution. He published the article, "The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution." Due to the Prussian Army's ease in crushing the uprising, many South German states came to believe that Prussia, not Austria, was going to be the new power in the region. The suppression of the uprising in Baden and the Palatinate was the end of the German revolutionary uprisings that had begun in the spring of 1848.

 
 

Barricades at Alexander Platz, Berlin
 
 
Prussia
In March 1848, crowds of people gathered in Berlin to present their demands in an "address to the king". King Frederick William IV, taken by surprise, yielded verbally to all the demonstrators' demands, including parliamentary elections, a constitution, and freedom of the press. He promised that "Prussia was to be merged forthwith into Germany."

On March 13, the army charged people returning from a meeting in the Tiergarten; they left one person dead and many injured. On March 18, a large demonstration occurred; when two shots were fired, the people feared that some of the 20,000 soldiers would be used against them. They erected barricades, fighting started, and a battle took place until troops were ordered 13 hours later to retreat, leaving hundreds dead. Afterwards, Frederick William attempted to reassure the public that he would proceed with reorganizing his government. The king also approved arming the citizens.

On March 21, he proceeded through the streets of Berlin to attend a mass funeral at the Friedrichshain cemetery for the civil victims of the uprising. He and his ministers and generals wore the revolutionary tricolor of black, red, and gold. After Polish prisoners were liberated, they paraded through the city, acclaimed by the people. They had been jailed as suspects in planning a rebellion in formerly Polish territories now ruled by Prussia. The 254 persons killed during the riots were laid out on catafalques on the Gendarmenmarkt. Some 40,000 people accompanied them to the burial place at Friedrichshain.

A Constituent National Assembly was elected and gathered in St. Paul's Church in Frankfurt am Main on May 18, 1848.[50] Officially called the all-German National Assembly, it was composed of deputies democratically elected from various German states in late April and early May 1848. The deputies consisted of 122 government officials, 95 judges, 81 lawyers, 103 teachers, 17 manufacturers and wholesale dealers, 15 physicians, and 40 landowners. A majority of the Assembly were liberals. It became known as the 'professors' parliament,' as many of its members were academics in addition to their other responsibilities. The one working-class member was Polish and, like colleagues from the Tyrol, not taken seriously.

Starting on May 18, 1848, the Frankfurt Assembly worked to find ways to unite the various German states and to write a constitution. The Assembly was unable to pass resolutions and dissolved into endless debate.

On May 22, 1848, another elected assembly sat for the first time in Berlin. They were elected under the law of April 8, 1848, which allowed for universal suffrage and a two-stage voting system. Most of the deputies elected to the Berlin Assembly, called the Prussian National Assembly, were members of the burghers or liberal bureaucracy. They set about the task of writing a constitution "by agreement with the Crown." King Frederick William IV of Prussia unilaterally imposed a monarchist constitution to undercut the democratic forces.

This constitution took effect on December 5, 1848. On December 5, 1848, the Berlin Assembly was dissolved and replaced with the bicameral legislature allowed under the monarchist Constitution. This legislature was composed of a Herrenhaus and a Landtag. Otto von Bismarck was elected to the first Landtag elected under the new monarchical constitution.

  Saxony
In Dresden, the capital of the Kingdom of Saxony, the people took to the streets asking King Frederick Augustus II of Saxony to engage in electoral reform, social justice and for a constitution.

The famous German composer, Richard Wagner passionately engaged himself in the revolution in Dresden, supporting the democratic-republican movement. Later during the May Uprising in Dresden from May 3–9, 1849, he supported the provisional government. Others participating in the Uprising were the Russian revolutionary Michael Bakunin and the German working-class leader Stephen Born. In all, about 2,500 combatants manned the barricades during the May Uprising. On May 9, 1849, together with the leaders of the uprising, Wagner left Dresden for Switzerland to avoid arrest. He spent a number of years in exile abroad, in Switzerland, Italy, and Paris. Finally the government lifted its ban against him and he returned to Germany.

Since the revolutionary events of 1830, Saxony had been ruled as a constitutional monarchy with a two-chamber legislature and a responsible ministry. This constitution continued to serve as the basis of the Saxon government until 1918. The Revolution of 1848 brought more popular reforms in the government of Saxony.

In 1849, many Saxon residents emigrated to the United States, including Michael Machemehl. They landed in Galveston, Texas and created what became the German Texan community. In mid-century, some lived in cities, but many developed substantial farms to the west in Texas.

The Rhineland or Rhenish Prussia
The Rhineland shares a common history with the Rhenish Hesse, Luxembourg and the Palatinate of having been under the control of Napoleonic France from 1795. Napoleon's armies smashed armies of the Holy Roman Empire. His rule established social, administrative and legislative measures taken that broke up the feudal rule that the priests and the nobility had exercised over the area previously. The soil of the Rhineland is not the best for agriculture, but forestry has traditionally been a strong industry there. The relative lack of agriculture, late 18th-century elimination of the feudal structure, and strong logging industry contributed to the industrialization of the Rhineland. With nearby sources of coal in the Mark, and access via the Rhine River to the North Sea, the west bank of the Rhine River in the Rhineland became the premier industrial area in Germany in the 19th century. By 1848, the towns of Aachen, Cologne and Düsseldorf were heavily industrialized, with a number of different industries represented. At the beginning of the 19th century, more than 90% of the population of the Rhineland was engaged in agriculture (including lumbering), but by 1933, only 12% were still working at agricultural occupations.

By 1848, a large industrial working class (proletariat) had developed in the Rhineland; due to Napoleonic France, they were educated and politically active. While in other German states the liberal petty bourgeoisie led the uprisings of 1848, in the Rhineland the proletariat was asserting its interests openly against the bourgeoisie as early as 1840.

In 1848, Prussia controlled the Rhineland as part of "West Prussia," having first acquired holdings in this area in 1614. During the Napoleonic Era, as noted above, the Rhineland west of the Rhine River was incorporated into France; its feudal structures were dismantled.

 
 
But, following the defeat of Napoleon in 1814, Prussia took over the west bank of the Rhineland. its government treated the Rhinelanders as subjugated and alien peoples, and it began to reinstate the hated feudal structures. Much of the revolutionary impulse in the Rhineland in 1848 was colored by a strong anti-Prussian feeling. The Rhinelanders took careful note of the announcement by King Frederick William IV on March 18, 1848 in Berlin that a United Diet would be formed and that other democratic reforms would be instituted. Elections for the United Diet were indirect. Electors were elected by universal male suffrage, and they were to choose the members of the United Diet. Rhinelanders remained hopeful regarding this progress and did not participate in the early round of uprisings that were occurring in other parts of Germany.

The Prussian government mistook this quietude in the Rhineland for loyalty to the autocratic Prussian government. The Prussian government began offering military assistance to other states in suppressing the revolts in their territories and cities, i.e. Dresden, the Palatinate, Baden, Wűrttemberg, Franconia, etc. Soon the Prussians discovered that they needed additional troops in this effort. Presuming on the loyalty of the Rhineland, in the spring of 1849 the Prussian government called up a large portion of the army reserve—the Landwehr in Westphalia and the Rhineland. This action was opposed: the order to call up the Landwehr affected all males under the age of 40 years, and such a call up was to be done only in time of war, not in peacetime, when it was considered illegal. The Prussian King dissolved the Second Chamber of the United Diet because on March 27, 1849 it passed a disliked version of the Constitution. The entire citizenry of the Rhineland, including the petty bourgeoisie, the grand bourgeoisie and the proletariat, rose up to protect the political reforms which they believed were slipping away.

On May 9, 1849, uprisings occurred in the Rhenish towns of Elberfeld, Düsseldorf, Iserlohn and Solingen. That in Düsseldorf was suppressed the following day on May 10, 1849. In the town of Elberfeld, the uprising showed strength and endurance, as 15,000 workers took to the streets and erected barricades; they confronted the Prussian troops sent to suppress the unrest and to collect a quota of Landwehr conscripts. In the end, the troops collected only about 40 conscripts from Elberfeld. A Committee of Public Safety was formed in the town, to organize the citizens in revolt. Members of the Committee of Public Safety included Karl Nickolaus Riotte, a democrat and a lawyer in Elberfeld; Ernst Hermann Höchster, another lawyer and democrat, elected as chairman of the Committee, and Alexis Heintzmann, a lawyer and a liberal who was also the public prosecutor in Elberfeld.
 
 
 Members of the Palatinate provisional government included Nikolaus Schmitt, serving as Minister of the Interior, and Theodor Ludwig Greiner. Karl Hecker, Franz Heinrch Zitz and Ludwig Blenker were among the other of the leaders of the Elberfeld uprising.

The members of the Committee for Public Safety could not agree on a common plan, let alone control the various groups taking part in the uprising. The awakened working classes were pursuing their goals with single-minded determination. Citizen-military forces (paramilitary) organized to support the uprising. Military leaders of these forces included August Willich and Feliks Trociński and Captain Christian Zinn.

On May 17 through 18, 1849, a group of workers and democrats from Trier and neighboring townships stormed the arsenal at Prüm to obtain arms for the insurgents. Workers from Solingen stormed the arsenal at Gräfrath and obtained arms and cartidges for the insurgents. (As noted above under the heading on "The Palatinate" Frederick Engels was active in the uprising in Elberfeld from May 11, 1849 until the end of the revolt. On May 10, 1849, he was in Solingen and making his way toward Elberfeld. He obtained two cases of cartridges from the arsenal at Gräfrath and carried them to Elberfeld.)

The grand bourgeoisie were frightened by the armed working classes taking to the streets. They began to separate themselves from the movement for constitutional reform and the Committee of Public Safety, describing the leaders as bloodthirsty terrorists. Leaders of the Committee, who were mostly petty bourgeoisie, were starting vacillate.
Rather than working to organize and direct the various factions of protests, they began to draw back from the revolutionary movement, especially the destruction of property. The Committee of Public Safety tried to calm the reformist movement and quell the demonstrations.

  Bavaria
In Bavaria, King Ludwig I lost prestige because of his open relationship with his favourite mistress Lola Montez, a dancer and actress unacceptable to the aristocracy or the Church. She tried to launch liberal reforms through a Protestant prime minister, which outraged the state's Catholic conservatives. On February 9, conservatives came out onto the streets in protest. This February 9, 1848 demonstration was the first in that revolutionary year. It was an exception among the wave of liberal protests. The conservatives wanted to be rid of Lola Montez, and had no other political agenda. Liberal students took advantage of the Lola Montez affair to stress their demands for political change. All over Bavaria, students started demonstrating for constitutional reform, just as students were doing in other cities.

Ludwig tried to institute a few minor reforms but they proved insufficient to quell the storm of protests. On March 16, 1848, Ludwig I abdicated in favor of his eldest son Maximilian II. Ludwig complained that "I could not rule any longer, and I did not want to give up my powers. In order to not become a slave, I became a lord." Ludwig was the only German prince forced to abdicate in the 1848 revolutions. Although some popular reforms were introduced, the government regained full control.

Greater Poland
While technically Greater Poland was not a German state, the roughly corresponding territory of the Grand Duchy of Posen had been under Prussian control since the First and Second Partition of Poland in the late 18th century. The Greater Poland Uprising of 1848, also known as the Poznań (German: Posen) Uprising, was an unsuccessful military insurrection of Polish troops under Ludwik Mierosławski against the Prussian forces. It began on 20 March 1848 and resulted in Prussia annexing the Greater Polish region as the Province of Posen.

 
 

The dead are laid out on the Gendarmenmarkt, Berlin
 
 
National Assembly in Frankfurt
In Heidelberg, in the state of Baden (southwest Germany), on March 6, 1848, a group of German liberals began to make plans for an election to a German national assembly. This prototype Parliament met on March 31, in Frankfurt's St. Paul's Church. Its members called for free elections to an assembly for all of Germany - and the German states agreed.

Finally, on May 18, 1848 the National Assembly opened its session in St. Paul's Church. Of the 586 delegates of the first freely elected German parliament, so many were professors (94), teachers (30) or had a university education (233) that it was called a "professors' parliament" ("Professorenparlament").

There were few practical politicians. Some 400 delegates can be identified in terms of political factions - usually named after their meeting places:

Café Milani - Right/Conservative (40)
Casino - Right centre/Liberal-conservative (120)
Landsberg - Centre/Liberal (40)
Württemberger Hof - Left centre (100)
Deutscher Hof - Left/Liberal democrats (60)
Donnersberg - Far left/Democrats (40)

Under the chairmanship of the liberal politician Heinrich von Gagern, the assembly started on its ambitious plan to create a modern constitution as the foundation for a unified Germany.

 
 
From the beginning the main problems were regionalism, support of local issues over pan-German issues, and Austro-Prussian conflicts. Archduke Johann of Austria was chosen as a temporary head of state ("Reichsverweser" i.e. imperial vicar). This was an attempt to create a provisional executive power, but it did not get very far since most states failed to fully recognize the new government. The National Assembly lost reputation in the eyes of the German public when Prussia carried through its own political intentions in the Schleswig-Holstein question without the prior consent of Parliament. A similar discrediting occurred when Austria suppressed a popular uprising in Vienna by military force.

Nonetheless, discussions on the future constitution had started. The main questions to be decided were:

Should the new united Germany include the German-speaking areas of Austria and thus separate these territories constitutionally from the remaining areas of the Habsburg Empire ("greater German solution", Großdeutschland), or should it exclude Austria, with leadership falling to Prussia ("smaller German solution", Kleindeutschland)? Finally, this question was settled when the Austrian Prime Minister introduced a centralised constitution for the entire Austrian Empire, thus delegates had to give up their hopes for a "Greater Germany".
Should Germany become a hereditary monarchy, have an elected monarch, or even become a republic?
Should it be a federation of relatively independent states or have a strong central government?
Soon events began to overtake discussions. Delegate Robert Blum had been sent to Vienna by his left-wing political colleagues on a fact-finding mission to see how Austria's government was rolling back liberal achievements by military force.

 
Archduke Johann's proclamation to the German people upon appointment as Administrator
of the Realm
 
 
Blum participated in the street fighting, was arrested and executed on November 9, despite his claim to immunity from prosecution as a member of the National Assembly.

Although the achievements of the March Revolution were rolled back in many German states, the discussions in Frankfurt continued, increasingly losing touch with society.

In December 1848 the "Basic Rights for the German People" proclaimed equal rights for all citizens before the law. On March 28, 1849, the draft of the Paulskirchenverfassung constitution was finally passed. The new Germany was to be a constitutional monarchy, and the office of head of state ("Emperor of the Germans") was to be hereditary and held by the respective King of Prussia. The latter proposal was carried by a mere 290 votes in favour, with 248 abstentions. The constitution was recognized by 29 smaller states but not by Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hannover and Saxony.

 
 

The May uprising in Dresden
 
 
Backlash in Prussia
By late 1848, the Prussian aristocrats including Otto von Bismarck and generals had regained power in Berlin. They had not been defeated permanently during the incidents of March, but had only retreated temporarily.

General von Wrangel led the troops who recaptured Berlin for the old powers, and King Frederick William IV of Prussia immediately rejoined the old forces. In November, the king dissolved the new Prussian parliament and put forth a constitution of his own which was based upon the work of the assembly, yet maintaining the ultimate authority of the king.

Elaborated in the following years, the constitution came to provide for an upper house (Herrenhaus), and a lower house (Landtag), chosen by universal suffrage but under a three-class system of voting ("Dreiklassenwahlrecht"): representation was proportional to taxes paid, so that more than 80% of the electorate controlled only one-third of the seats.

On April 2, 1849, a delegation of the National Assembly met with King Frederick William IV in Berlin and offered him the crown of the Emperor under this new constitution.

Frederick William told the delegation that he felt honoured but could only accept the crown with the consent of his peers, the other sovereign monarchs and free cities. But later, in a letter to a relative in England, he wrote that he felt deeply insulted by being offered "from the gutter" a crown, "disgraced by the stink of revolution, defiled with dirt and mud."

Austria and Prussia withdrew their delegates from the Assembly, which was little more than a debating club. The radical members were forced to go to Stuttgart, where they sat from June 6–18 as a rump parliament until it too was dispersed by Württemberg troops.

Armed uprisings in support of the constitution, especially in Saxony, the Palatinate and Baden were short-lived, as the local military, aided by Prussian troops, crushed them quickly. Leaders and participants, if caught, were executed or sentenced to long prison terms.

The achievements of the revolutionaries of March 1848 were reversed in all of the German states and by 1851, the Basic Rights had also been abolished nearly everywhere. In the end, the revolution fizzled because of the divisions between the various factions in Frankfurt, the calculating caution of the liberals, the failure of the left to marshal popular support and the overwhelming superiority of the monarchist forces.

Many disappointed German patriots went to the United States, among them most notably Carl Schurz, Franz Sigel and Friedrich Hecker. Such emigrants became known as the Forty-Eighters.

  Failure of the revolution
The Revolution of 1848 failed in its attempt to unify the German-speaking states because the Frankfurt Assembly reflected the many different interests of the German ruling classes. Its members were unable to form coalitions and push for specific goals. The first conflict arose over the goals of the assembly. The moderate liberals wanted to draft a constitution to present to the monarchs, whereas the smaller group of radical members wanted the assembly to declare itself as a law-giving parliament. They were unable to overcome this fundamental division, and did not take any definitive action toward unification or the introduction of democratic rules. The assembly declined into debate. While the French revolution drew on an existing nation state, the democratic and liberal forces in Germany of 1848 were confronted with the need to build a nation state and a constitutional once, which overtaxed them.

When the Frankfurt Assembly opened on May 18, 1848, the deputies elected Heinrich von Gagern as the first President of the Assembly. He had strong support from the Center-Right Unionist party and some influence with moderates of the left, such that he could control perhaps 250 of the deputies of the Frankfurt Assembly. Gagern strongly supported unification of the German states. He insisted, however, that the Assembly needed to gain agreement of the monarchs, who were highly reactionary. In addition, only the Kingdom of Prussia had the military force necessary to effect this unification. Many in the Assembly, including Gagern, distrusted the intentions of the Prussian state and its absolutist government. Fearful of losing their positions as servants of the monarchs, the moderate liberals quickly concluded that only negotiations would lead to political progress. The Prussian army ignored the demands for reforms and chased the rump assembly out of Frankfurt in 1849.

The Frankfurt Assembly had no powers to raise taxes and relied completely on the goodwill of the monarchs. As many of the members held influential provincial positions, their reluctance to call for radical reforms or annoy their employers meant that they could not raise funds for armed forces, nor enforce laws they might pass. The hundred or so radicals, who believed that an armed uprising was necessary, lost interest and left the assembly to try and raise forces at a local level to bring about a 'real' revolution. Without a bureaucracy, they could not raise any money.

The Assembly members were highly motivated for reform, but the major divides among them became obvious and inhibited progress; for instance, advocates of Grossdeutschland versus advocates of Kleindeutschland, Catholics versus Protestants, supporters of Austria versus supporters of Prussia. The major conflict that caused the collapse of the Assembly was the stand-off between demands of the to write a democratic constitution and liberals' reliance on negotiation with reactionary monarchs to produce reforms. The various interest groups began to gather outside the Assembly to decide on their tactics.

 
 
Meanwhile, the rulers of the German states gradually realised that their positions were no longer under threat. The King of Bavaria had stepped down, but that was only partly the result of pressure from below. As the threat of an armed uprising receded, the monarchs realized unification would not be realized. They were unwilling to give up any power in its pursuit. As princes quelled rebellions in their territories, they followed the example of Prussia, recalling their elected deputies from the Assembly. Only Prussia, with its overwhelming military might, was able to protect the Frankfurt Assembly from military attack by the princes. But Prussia had its own interests in mind.

The Frankfurt National Assembly did agree to found the Reichsflotte, the German Navy, on June 14, 1848, which was significant to Germany's future power and reach.

 
 

National assembly's meeting in St. Paul's Church
 
 
The powerlessness of the Frankfurt Assembly, however, was reflected in the debate over the Danish Conflict of 1848. Like many other events of 1848, the Danish conflict was sparked by a street demonstration. On March 21, 1848, the people of Copenhagen hit the streets to demand a liberal Constitution. The majority in the Danish province of Holstein and in the southern part of Schleswig were German-speaking. The citizens of Kiel, Holstein, were unsure of what was occurring in Copenhagen, They revolted to found a separate and autonomous province with closer relations with the German states. On March 24, 1848, they set up a new provisional, autonomous government in Holstein and raised a Schleswig-Holstein army of 7,000 soldiers. Unification opinion in the German states supported annexing the provinces of Schleswig and Holstein.

Prussia sent an army to support this independence movement, and ignored the Frankfurt National Assembly when Great Britain and Russia applied international pressure to end the war. The Prussians signed a peace at Malmö, requiring them to remove all Prussian troops from the two duchies and agree to all other Danish demands. The Treaty of Malmo was greeted with great consternation in Germany, and debated in the Assembly, but it was powerless to control Prussia. On September 16, 1848, the Frankfurt National Assembly approved of the Malmo Treaty by a majority vote. Public support for the National Assembly declined sharply following this vote, and the Radical Republicans publicly stated their opposition to the Assembly.

  After many diversions, the Frankfurt National Assembly took up the issue of a German constitution. In October 1848, King Frederick William IV of Prussia unilaterally issued a monarchist constitution.[80] Under this new monarchist constitution, a Prussian Assembly was established. The Assembly was a bicameral legislature, consisting of a Herrenhaus (House of Lords) or upper house, whose members were selected by the provincial governments, and a Landtag (Country Diet), whose members were elected by male suffrage but were seated only through a complicated system of electoral committees. Otto von Bismarck was elected to this first Landtag. The Landtag was founded to undercut the authority of the Frankfurt National Assembly. In an attempt to regain some authority, in April 1849, the Frankfurt Assembly offered King Frederick William IV the crown as German emperor. He turned it down, saying he would accept a crown only by the grace of God, not "from the gutter".

The Frankfurt National Assembly had been founded partly following the revolutionary events in Vienna, Austria, which resulted in the fall of Prince Metternich. Its strongest support came from the southern provinces, where there was a tradition of opposition to the local tyrants. After Austria crushed the Italian revolts of 1848/1849, the Habsburgs were ready to deal with the German states. Unable to muster an army and lacking broader support, the Assembly could not resist Austrian power. The Frankfurt National Assembly was dissolved on May 31, 1849.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
1848
 
 
Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg
 
The Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg was part of the revolutionary wave which occurred across Europe in 1848, in the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg which at the time was in personal union with the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Dissatisfaction with inequality, an authoritarian government, a lack of civil liberties and a political system that excluded most people from government, caused widespread upheaval. This in turn forced the government to concede various reforms, particularly the granting of a new constitution, which introduced new civil liberties, parliamentary government, wider participation in the political system, and the separation of powers.
 
Background
After being annexed by the French in the Napoleonic Wars, Luxembourg was elevated to a Grand Duchy and awarded to the Dutch King by the Congress of Vienna in 1815. While it was supposed to be ruled by him in personal union, rather than as part of his kingdom, the King-Grand Duke William I treated it merely as a province of the Netherlands. (At the time, modern Belgium was part of the Netherlands, so Luxembourg was not separated from Dutch territory.) The Grand Duchy would also be part of the German Confederation (the successor to the Holy Roman Empire), and its fortress therefore garrisoned by Confederation troops.

Luxembourg was profoundly affected by the Belgian Revolution of 1830. Many in Luxembourg supported the cause of the Belgian secessionists, and indeed most of the country was de facto annexed by the new Belgian state, while only the capital Luxembourg City remained loyal to the Dutch King, as it was garrisoned by Prussian troops. The situation was only resolved in 1839, when the Dutch King consented to the partition of Luxembourg.

In the Treaty of London of 1839, the French-speaking parts of Luxembourg were carved off to form part of Belgium, while the remaining German-speaking part made up the rump Grand-Duchy, and would continue to be ruled by the Dutch King-Grand Duke, even though it was now territorially separated from the Netherlands. It would also remain in the German Confederation.

In 1841, William II authorised the first constitution of Luxembourg. This document left all meaningful power in the hands of the sovereign. The legislature provided by the Constitution, the Assembly of Estates, was little more than a shadow parliament. It was elected indirectly, the ballots were not secret, and the vast majority of the population were excluded from political life by a system of census suffrage, requiring the payment of 10 florins per year in tax. At the elections of 1845, in the canton of Luxembourg, only 956 out of 28,477 inhabitants were eligible to vote.

The Assembly's sessions were held in private, and its assent was required only for penal and fiscal laws, the civil list, and the extraordinary budget. In 1841, this constitution was generally welcomed, but over the years, voices started to be raised in the Assembly of Estates, demanding a return to the civil liberties which had applied under the Belgian annexation of 1830-1839. Various other issues were a cause for discontent, such as the muzzling of the press, the ban on associations, the exorbitant expenses of the civil list, and lack of judicial and educational reforms.

There had been several famines in the 1840s, of which the poor were the worst affected. Little had been done by the authorities to deal with the consequences of these crises, at least in the eyes of the people.

Furthermore, unpopular taxes caused widespread discontent. Complaints were also raised about the annual payment of 150,000 guilders to the sovereign, which weighed heavily on the state's budget. In the 1840s the government had additionally restricted traditional rights of pasture and gathering firewood, which was seen by the rural poor saw as an unfair attack on their ancient rights. The 1845 law forbidding straw roofs in houses, introduced after several destructive fires, likewise burdened the poor, who could ill afford the required renovations.

On top of all this, unemployment and price increases turned the economic problems into a social crisis. More and more frequently, vagabonds and beggars appeared in whole groups, demanding charity from property owners.

  Events
Dissatisfaction had built up over several years, and was only waiting for a trigger. The February revolution of 1848 in Paris created a revolutionary dynamic across the continent, which threatened the monarchic and absolutist order.

Amongst other things, the protest took the form of sending petitions to the authorities. Petitions, far from being a recent invention, were an old right. What was unusual was their extent, as 70 petitions were sent to the government around March, which had been more or less spontaneously drafted and signed in over 60 localities.

At the same time, a broad protest movement started. The centre of the uprising was Ettelbruck, in the north of the country. On 11 March, several discontented people declared a republic and sang the Marseillaise. The gathered people blocked the way of the gendarmes who appeared on the scene, and tried to provoke them into using their guns. Fearing an extension of the uprising, the government sent further gendarmes to Ettelbruck, as a market was to take place there on 14 March.

On that day, the police tried to arrest several of the ringleaders, which threatened to escalate the situation. An angry crowd gathered outside the gendarmerie station, and started throwing stones and breaking windows. A gallows was erected outside the house of the local head of the gendarmerie. The people's anger was also felt by other representatives of the authorities: a crowd attacked the house of the local tax collector. In other localities, the popular disdain for the government likewise made itself felt, and its representatives had to deal with various humiliations and insults.

In the capital, a crowd gathered on 16 March. Workers from the suburbs assembled in front of the house of the mayor, Fernand Pescatore, who was suspected of wheat speculation: again, it took the gendarmerie and the Prussian military to prevent any violence.

The unrest spread from Ettelbruck to the surrounding villages, and the government feared it might spread even further. "Revolutionary" flags such as the French, Belgian, black-red-gold (German) and red flags were carried during processions or put up in visible places. These flags were not so much a sign of separatism, as a symbol of solidarity with the revolutionary movements in these other countries.

The Revolution ended about as quickly as it had begun, but lasted the longest in Ettelbruck, where anarchy reigned for about a week. Unrest still flared up in various areas for several weeks, but the government acted decisively to restore order, by gathering gendarmes, forestry and customs officers, and federal German troops, who were sent to the affected areas on 23 March to take down the revolutionary flags and restore order. This unusually large presence of armed forces served as a clear signal to the insurgents, but also to those who were uninvolved. Similarly, on 19 March, a pastoral letter from the Apostolic Vicar of Luxembourg, Jean-Théodore Laurent, was read out in all churches, appealing for calm and reminded the Catholic population of their loyalty to the throne.

On 20 March, the government issued a proclamation, announcing changes to the constitution and the abolition of censorship. Acting on the advice of the government, William II had had to agree to reforms. These promises meant that most citizens and supporters of "law and order" finally went over to the government's side and distanced themselves from any further revolutionary acts. The government also agreed to employ part of the discontented poor on state construction sites, in order to take them off the streets.

 
 
New constitution
The King-Grand Duke established a commission to come up with revisions to the constitution. The commission, however, composed as it was by a large number of government officials, provoked widespread hostility and had to be abandoned. In accordance with article 52 of the existing Constitution of 1841, William II then called a new Assembly of Estates, with twice the normal number of delegates, with the mission to draft a new constitution. This Constituent Assembly first gathered in Ettelbruck on 25 April 1848. The reason behind meeting in Ettelbruck rather than Luxembourg City may have been the presence of the Prussian garrison in the capital, which was seen as hostile. The Assembly finished its work in record time, proceeding to the final vote confirming the new Constitution on 23 June. The Grand Duke swore an oath on the new Constitution on 10 July, and it came into force on 1 August.
 
 
Within a few months, the Constituent Assembly had drafted a relatively liberal constitution, which made Luxembourg into a constitutional monarchy. The new Constitution was closely modeled on the Belgian one drafted in 1830—many articles were copied word-for-word—showing the mark left by the Belgian annexation of 1830-1839.

It introduced several of the principles of a state governed by the rule of law, such as separation of powers, limiting the sovereign's powers to the executive sphere, the parliament's legislative sovereignty, an annual vote on the ordinary budget, independence of the judiciary.

While the new Constitution was striking in its similarity to the Belgian one, the differences between the two are notable. Unlike Belgium, Luxembourg's constitution provided for only one chamber of parliament, this being mainly due to the small size of the country and a lack of enough qualified people to sit in two chambers, rather than any ideological reasons.
Compared with the 40 francs of annual taxation required to vote in Belgium, Luxembourg required only 10 francs (which still, however, excluded most of the population).

  Legacy
Change

The political changes brought about by the events of 1848 appear obvious: the first modern constitution for the country, the introduction of parliamentary government and civil liberties, and the creation of several new government institutions. The authority of the monarch was severely curtailed. Whether, and to what extent, the Revolution brought about a social change, is more debatable. Political life in the early 19th century had been dominated by a bourgeoisie composed of high-ranking civil servants who valued order and authority; in 1848 they had to make way for a bourgeoisie composed of businessmen, who were more liberally inclined and who remained in control until 1919, when mass politics was introduced. The Revolution therefore saw power pass from a clique of conservative Orangist officials to another, barely larger, clique of liberal businessmen enriched by early industrialisation. It is doubtful, then, whether 1848 was a revolution in the social sense.

1848 did, however, see the working classes take to the streets in anger for the first time. The socialist lawyer, Charles Théodore André, published an appeal to the workers of Luxembourg during the Revolution.

 
 
Continuity
Most of those who had administered the country since 1841 managed to weather the storm of 1848 and remain in their posts after the coming into force of the new Constitution on 1 August. The Constituent Assembly itself was presided over by the governor, Théodore de la Fontaine, who was also reappointed as head of the post-Revolution government, as were 3 out of the 4 other members of the previous government (Vendelin Jurion, Charles-Mathias Simons and Jean Ulveling). There was only one resignation, that of Théodore Pescatore, who was replaced by Jean-Pierre André. The government merely received title changes, with the former governor becoming the "president of the council", and its members each receiving the title of "administrator general".

The lines between the various political families were fluid. Conservative and progressive bourgeoisies belonged to the same social milieu: they were members of the same clubs and associations, and would meet in Masonic lodges. The different families of the bourgeoisie were all linked by intermarriage. The rest of the country, farmers, artisans, and workers, remained as excluded from political life as they had been before 1848: the Revolution changed little for them.

Several of the achievements of the Revolution of 1848, including the Constitution itself, proved to be quite short-lived. William II died in 1849, to be succeeded by his rather more reactionary son, William III, who described the Constitution of 1848 as "the work of agitated times and sinister apprehensions". After the dissolution of the Frankfurt Parliament, the federal diet of the Germanic Confederation in 1851 enjoined the individual states to ensure their constitutions accorded with the principle of the sovereign power of rulers. In Luxembourg, the new Constitution came under attack from various quarters, particularly the government. A bill to reform the constitution in 1856 ended up being rejected by the Chamber of Deputies, which also passed a motion condemning the government. The King used this as a pretext to dissolve the Chamber, declare the Constitution invalid and to dictate a new, authoritarian constitution, in a series of events known as the Luxembourg Coup of 1856.

  Historiography
The 1848 revolution in Luxembourg has been mostly neglected by academic historiography and by history as taught in schools. Works inspired by Orangist historiography sought to downplay the events of 1848 as much as possible. Arthur Herchen's history textbook, published in 1918, was still in use in secondary schools up to the 1970s in a revised edition. It portrayed the world before 1848 as a carefree one. While admitting that there was a "certain nervousness" in the country in 1848, it goes on to claim that the Luxembourgish people were able to obtain in a peaceful manner the rights and freedoms which elsewhere were won with bloodshed, and that this was due to the great wisdom and generous initiative of the Grand-Duke.

The primary function of Orangist historiography was the legitimation of the Orange-Nassau dynasty. It therefore saw Luxembourgish history through a dynastic lens, in order to link the currently reigning family to the founding myth of the country. This dynastic world view ignored the wider population as an agent of history, or any mention of social or popular history: the people only appeared in narratives when they endangered the dynastic order through revolt. This brings out Orangist historiography's other characteristic, namely its anti-revolutionary nature. It therefore always denied that there was a revolution in Luxembourg in 1848.

This changed in 1957 when Albert Calmes published the 5th volume of the Histoire Contemporaine du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg, with the unambiguous title La Révolution de 1848 au Luxembourg. Calmes had no hesitation in terming the events of 1848 a revolution, as there was a brusque and profound social and political change. He noted that the views of traditional historiography on 1848 belonged more to the realm of myth or of a softening presentation of the facts, as it only reproduced the official utterances of those in power, in an attempt to justify the policy of the King-Grand Duke and his Orangist supporters. Calmes' work was troubling to many historians at the time: his vast publication, founded on work in the archives of the Hague and of the Luxembourgish government, undermined traditional historiography, and he criticised the works of neo-Orangists such as Prosper Mullendorff, Jules Mersch, Auguste Collart, and Paul Weber, while attacking what he saw as the "Orangist legend".

 
 

This may explain why his book was mostly ignored by the press and review journals such as Hémecht and Cahiers Luxembourgeois; likewise, the historians Nicolas Margue and Joseph Meyers did not take account of Calmes' ground-breaking work in their 1969 revised edition of Herchen's textbook.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1848
 
 
Greater Poland Uprising
 

The Greater Poland Uprising of 1848 or Poznań Uprising (Polish: powstanie wielkopolskie 1848 roku or powstanie poznańskie) was an unsuccessful military insurrection of Poles against Prussian forces, during the Spring of Nations period. While the main fighting was concentrated in the Greater Poland region, fights also occurred in other part of the Prussian Partition of Poland, and protests were held in Polish inhabited regions of Silesia.

 
Background
1772–1807

While the Kingdom of Prussia already possessed a large Polish population in Upper Silesia, it gained additional Polish citizens during the partitions of Poland. From the beginnings of Prussian rule, Poles were subject to a series of measures aimed against them and their culture; the Polish language was replaced by German as the official language, and most administration was made German as well; the Prussian ruler Frederick the Great despised Poles and hoped to replace them with Germans. Poles were portrayed as 'backward Slavs' by Prussian officials who wanted to spread German language and culture. The land of Polish nobility was confiscated and given to German nobles. Frederick the Great settled around 300,000 colonists in the Eastern provinces of Prussia and aimed at a removal of the Polish nobility by increasing the German population and trying to reduce Polish owned land. Another colonization attempt aimed at Germanization was pursued by Prussia after 1832, and while Poles constituted 73% of population in 1815, they were reduced to 60% in 1848, at the same time the German presence grew from 25% to 30%. The Poles were freed from Prussians with the arrival of Napoleon, and started a successful uprising against the Prussian forces in 1806.
 
 
1815–1831
The Prussian hold on Polish areas was somewhat weakened after 1807 where parts of its partition were restored to Duchy of Warsaw. The power status of Prussia was dependent on hindering any form of Polish statehood, due to crucial position of Greater Poland, Silesia and Pomeranian-all areas inhabited either by Polish majority or substantial Polish population; it didn't support Polish attempts at restoration of Poland during Congress of Vienna, where Prussia tried to gain Duchy of Warsaw or at least its western provinces. In 1815 the Prussian king made several guarantees in his speech to Poles in the newly formed Grand Duchy of Posen (created out of territories of Duchy of Warsaw) in regards to rights of Polish language and cultural institutions. In order to ensure loyalty of the newly re-conquered territories the Prussians engaged in several propaganda gestures hoping they would be enough to gain land-owners and aristocracy support.

The base support of Prussian rule was from influx of German colonists, officials and tradesmen, whose immigration started in 1772 due to Partitions of Poland and while it was halted in 1806, it soon was reinstated after 1815 as planned systemic action of Prussian government. The Prussians knew exactly that Polish aspirations were involved with independence, however they were considering at the time two different methods to subdue Polish resistance. One advocated ruthless Germanization of the Polish provinces, the other pursued by Chancellor Hardenberg wanted to gain support of Polish higher classes, while turning them away from Russian Tsar Alexander I.

Initially the position of the Chancellor prevailed. At the same time Prussians and Russians through secret police worked together against Polish movements that would seek independence either from Russia or Prussia, and Prussian representative in Warsaw helped to create political climate that would abolish constitutional freedoms in Congress Poland. The situation in Polish areas of Prussia was calmed down after series of proclamations and assuring the Polish right to their education, religion and traditions. In the end, the Polish rights were defined very narrowly, and Prussia started to abolish the Polish language in administration, schooling, and courts. In 1819 the gradual elimination of Polish language in schools began, with German being introduced in its place. This procedure was briefly stopped in 1822 but restarted in 1824.

In 1825 August Jacob, a politician hostile to Poles, gained power over newly created Provincial Educational Collegium in Poznan. Across the Polish territories Polish teachers were being removed from work, German educational programs were being introduced, and primary schooling was being replaced by German one that aimed at creation of loyal Prussian citizens. Already in 1816 the Polish gymnasium in Bydgoszcz was turned into a German school and Polish language removed from classes.

In 1825 the Teacher’s Seminary in Bydgoszcz was Germanized as well While in 1824 a Provincial Parliament was invoked in Greater Poland, the representation was based on wealth census, meaning that the end result gave most of the power to German minority in the area. Even when Poles managed to issue calls asking for enforcing of the guarantees formulated in treaties of Congress of Vienna and proclamations of Prussian King in 1815 they were rejected by Prussia. Thus neither the attempt to create Polish University in Poznań or Polish Society of Friends of Agriculture, Industry and Education were accepted by authorities. Nevertheless Poles continued to ask for Polish representation in administration of the area, representing the separate character of the Duchy, keeping the Polish character of schools.

From 1825 the increase of anti-Polish policies became more visible and intense. Prussian political circles demanded end to tolerance of Polishness. Among the Poles two groups emerged, one still hoping for respect of separate status of the Duchy and insisting on working with Prussian authorities hoping that in time they would grant some freedoms. The other faction still hoped for independence of Poland. As consequence many Polish activists were imprisoned. A joint operation of Russian and Prussian secret police managed to discover Polish organizations working in Breslau and Berlin, whose members were arrested and detained in Prussian jails.

  1830–1848
Intensification of anti-Polish policies started from 1830 onwards. As the November Uprising in Russian-held Congress Poland began, Prussians closely worked with Russia in regards to stopping any Polish independence drive. A state of emergency was introduced in the Duchy, police surveillance started on a large scale and 80,000 soldiers were moved into the area. The Prussian Foreign Minister openly declared that Prussia would oppose independence of Poland as it would mean territories taken in the Partitions of Poland could be claimed by it. Russians soldiers fighting Poles received food supplies, equipment, and intelligence from Prussia. While Prussian generals even wanted to march into Congress Poland, the threat of French intervention stopped those plans. The administrator of the region became Eduard Heinrich Flotwell, a self-declared enemy of Poles, who openly called for Germanization and superiority of German culture over Polish people. Supported by Karl Grolman, a Prussian general, a program was presented that envisioned removing Poles from all offices, courts, judiciary system, and local administration, controlling the clergy, and making peasants loyal through enforced military service. Schools were to be Germanized as well. Those plans were supported by such prominent public figures such as Clauswitz, Gneisenau, Theodor von Schon, and Wilhelm von Humbold. By 1830 the right to use Polish in courts and institutions was no longer respected. While the Poles constituted the majority of population in the area, they held only 4 out of 21 official posts of higher level. From 1832 they could no longer hold higher posts at the local administrative level (Landrat). At the same time the Prussian government and Prussian King pursued Germanization of administration and judicial system, while local officials enforced Germanization of educational system and tried to eradicate the economic position of Polish nobility. In Bydgoszcz the mayors were all Germans. In Poznań, out of 700 officials, only 30 were Poles. Flotwell also initiated programs of German colonization and tried to reduce Polish landownership in favor of Germans.

In the time period of 1832-1842 the amount of Polish holdings was reduced from 1020 to 950 and the German ones increased from 280 to 400. Jewish minority in the Province was exploited by Prussians to gain support for its policies, by granting Jews rights and abolishing old limitations the Prussians hoped they could integrate Jewish population into German society, and gain a counterweight to Polish presence. As a result many Jewish saw in Prussia a free, liberal state and were opposed to Polish independence movement. When Frederick William IV's ascended to the throne in 1840, certain concessions were again granted., the German colonization was halted, some schools were able to teach Polish language again, and promises were made to create departments of Polish language in universities in Breslau and Berlin, there were also vague promises about creation of University in Poznań. This was all that Poles were granted. In reality only the methods changed, while the overall goal of Germanization remained the same, only this time with lighter methods, and by concessions Prussians hoped to assure identification of Poles with Prussian state and eventual change of their identity. The concession also were connected to freezing of relations between Prussia and Russian Empire, with Prussian politicians hoping that Poles could be used to fight Russia on Prussia’s behalf.

At this time the majority of Poles were not yet engaged in political activity. At most only the landowners, the intelligentsia and the upper urban classes possessed a developed national consciousness. The peasantry and the working class had yet to experience their own "Polish national awakening". Through military service and school education, and in the case of "regulated" peasants also in the wake of the benefits wrought by the final emancipation decree introduced in 1823, some segments of these social groups had begun to identify with the Prussian state. However as German colonization grew in strength and policies against Polish religion and traditions were introduced the local population begun to feel hostility towards Prussia and German presence.

Economic factors also began to influence Polish-German relations. Colonization policies in particular created a fear of German competition among Poles. The greatest difference remained the religious segregation. The local Germans displayed rather politically apathy and refrained from creating an organized form of social life. Prior to 1848, the provincial diet remained the only forum of German political activity. In general relations of the local Germans with the Polish population were good.

 
 
In the end of the 1840s about 60 percent of the population of the Duchy were Polish, 34 percent German and 6 percent Jewish. Out of the administrative districts Poles had majority in 18 while Germans in 6, out which 4 were in the western part and 2 in the northern part.

A first attempt to change the situation in the Duchy was made in the Greater Poland Uprising of 1846 after which 254 Polish activists were imprisoned upon charges of conspiracy. The trial ended on 2 December 1847, when 134 of the defendants were acquitted and returned to the Duchy. 8 defendants, including Ludwik Mierosławski, were sentenced to death, the rest to prison in the Berlin-Moabit prison. The death sentences were not carried out as Revolution in Prussia started . and the Prussian king amnestied political prisoners as part of concessions to revolutionaries
 
 
Start of the Uprising
On 19 March 1848, after the Revolution in Berlin succeeded throughout the Spring of Nations, King Frederick William IV of Prussia amnestied the Polish prisoners, who joined the Berlin Home Guard in the evening of 20 March 1848 by founding a “Polish Legion” in the courtyard of the Berliner Schloss, and were armed with weapons from the Royal Prussian Arsenal. Ludwik Mierosławski waved the Black-Red-Gold flag of the German Revolution and the prisoners were celebrated by the public. Speeches during the demonstration were made about joint fight against Russian Empire for free and united Germany and independent Poland. Karol Libelt noted from Berlin that he was under impression that the whole people want free and independent Poland to serve as German shield against Russia and it Polish question will soon be resolved.

The Polish Legion left Berlin and arrived in Poznań on 28 March 1848, where Mierosławski took over military command.

Volunteers from Berlin tried to join this legion and support the Polish struggle for liberty as it was expected, the Legion would fight against the Russian rule in Congress Poland, but these volunteers were rejected. Polish emigrants to France, like Adam Czartoryski, who returned to join that legion were allowed to use Prussian railways for free and often received with cheers, e.g. by the revolutionary committees in Cologne French politicians granted money for those trips hoping to remove Polish influence from France, for fear of revolutionary actions. Additionally the French incited Poles to start uprising, as they wanted to secure a diversionary element in case the Holy Alliance would turn its forces against France.

The uprising in Poznań had started on 20 March 1848. Inspired by the events in Berlin, a demonstration in Poznań was organized and the authorities agreed to creation of delegation that would bring proposals of Polish side to Berlin and to the Prussian King.

 
Mapa działań w czasie powstania wielkopolskiego
w 1848
 
 
A Polish National Committee was created in Poznań. The Polish historian Jerzy Zdrada wrote that the delegates postulated independence of Polish territories but arriving in Berlin decided to remove that part of demands and replaced it with “national reorganization”, removal of Prussian military and turning the administration to Poles. Zdrada notes that those demands were to the liking of Berlin Revolutionary Committee which wanted Poles as force to fight Russia. According to the English historian Richard Davies the political demands of the committee were for effective autonomy, not for independence. The organized militia was intended for use not against Prussia but against the threat of Russian intervention. The Committee represented various political orientations and social classes, in order to have achieve a coalition character. Its overall character was liberal-democratic, and among land-owners and intellectualists it included a Polish peasant Jan Palacz.

On 21 March a joint demonstration of Germans and Poles took place, Germans often wore both the Black-Red-Gold cockade and the Polish Red-White as a revolutionary symbol. On March 21, the National Committee released a proclamation calling for a common struggle seeking understanding with the Germans, and a day later recognized the rights of Jews . According to Zdrada on the same day the Prussian general Friedrich August Peter von Colomb ordered Prussian soldiers take the Bazar a hotel which was the center of Polish activities. This was avoided as it would result in Polish-Prussian confrontation-something that the liberals in Berlin didn’t yet desire.

On 22 March the German-controlled Poznań city council voted to support the postulates of the National Committee in Berlin. While Poles avoiding confrontation with the question of independence and demanded national reorganization the Germans called for separation of the Duchy from Prussia. Polish Committee restricted its membership to Poles and demands from Germans and Jews to be represented in the Polish Committee were not accepted and Jedrzej Moraczewski, a member of the Polish Committee, ordered on 28 March: “One should make every effort not to alarm the Germans in order to avoid a strong reaction from their side. On the other hand it is necessary to maintain supremacy over them.
 
 
From cooperation to confrontation
The atmosphere among the Germans and a portion of the Jewish population began to change diametrically and a German National Committee was founded on 23 March, a second one on 27 March, now largely influenced by German public officials loyal to the Prussian King. Encroachments[clarification needed] against Jews caused a further support of the German Committee by the Jewish population and the breakdown of Prussian authority allowed long-simmering resentments to explode, as the German Committee urged in a complaint addressed to the Polish Committee: "There have been many cases in which armed groups of your people have threatened and violated the property and personal security of your German-speaking neighbors. Keep in mind that through such acts of infamous violence you stain the honor of your nation and you undermine the sympathy for your cause among the nations of Germany and Europe.” In a few days the Polish movement embraced the whole Greater Poland region. Polish peasants and urban citizens turned against Prussian officials. Polish nobility and peasantry took up arms, preparing for confrontation with Prussian Army, Prussian symbols were torn down, and in couple of places fighting erupted with German colonists

In West Prussia, Toruń, Chełmno, Bory Tucholskie the Polish population took inspiration from events in Greater Poland and openly turned against Prussian officials, led by Natalis Sulerzyski and Seweryn Elżanowski. In Chełmno a Temporary National Committee of Polish Prussia was formed. By the end of march though local Germans turned harshly against Poles and together with Prussian military pacified the area, while Polish leaders were imprisoned.

The reason for initial support of Poles by Prussians and Germans was the fear of Russian intervention which would stop creation of strong unified Germany. Germans saw in Poles an opportunity to create a diversion stopping Russians from intervention in Germany itself. The hostility to Russia manifested by Poles was the base of German sympathy towards Polish aspiration during the initial phase of the Uprising. Wilhelm von Willisen encouraged Mierosławski to fight a war against Russia. The Prussian foreign minister Arnim used the Polish issue as weapon against Russia. Leading German politicians and thinkers supported using Poles as protection against Russia, such as Karol August Varnhagen, Robert Blum, Heinrich von Gagern, Georg Gervinius, Johann Wirth, Constantin Frantz. As the threat of war with Russia grew distant, the German elites and society became hostile to Polish aspirations. Nationalist and even chauvinist voices could be heard in Germany demanding incorporation of the whole Greater Poland into German Confederation. Overnight Poles turned for Germans from an ally against Russia into the enemy that would threaten German control over Greater Poland and Pomerania. Polish successes created distrust in local Germans' and they felt threatened and the news of national reorganization of the province was the turning-point. The assumption of power by a Polish administration and the creation of a military corps out of local Polish population create a German fear for their position in a Polish-ruled Duchy.

Thus German National Committee was founded on 23 March, and a second one on 27 March, now largely influenced by German public officials loyal to the Prussian King. The new German committee that emerged in Poznań subsequently engaged in consistent opposition to Polish movement. German separate national committees were established and petitions demanding the division of the Duchy and the incorporation of cities and counties into German Confederation addressed to Berlin. With the army protecting them, Germans started to paralyze development of Polish self-rule. German officials, colonists and tradesmen seized the opportunity and begun counteraction, demanding incorporation of the Polish territories into unified German state, accused Poles of repressions. Their claims were methodically used by German propaganda to win support of European countries such as Great Britain and France. Additionally German liberals turned against Poles, demanding “protection of German area”. Soon Germans craftsmen, traders and colonists  in communities began to form committees and paramilitary units to defend their interests and to prevent local Poles from organizing, often joined by local Jews and started to besiege the Prussian King with petitions to exclude their areas from the planned political reorganization.

  By late April about 8,000 German civilians of the Noteć(Netze) district north of Poznań were organized in paramilitary units and another 6,000 around the towns of Międzyrzecz( Meseritz) and Nowy Tomyśl( Neutomischel).

On 23 March the Prussian King granted an audience to Polish delegation and verbally declared his agreement to their proposals for autonomy; at the same time in confidential conversation with Prussian military commanders he ordered them to prepare an invasion of Polish territories to crush the Polish movement.

On 24 March the Prussian King issued a declaration that promised the short-dated reorganization of the province and the creation of a commission of both nationalities, whose aim would be the consideration of interests of both nations. The Poles understood those measures as restoration of autonomy. Local Polish committees were formed, Prussian state treasuries requisitioned, and symbols of Prussian state dismantled. In many places the local landrats were removed from power. As John Fane, 11th Earl of Westmorland, a British diplomat in Berlin, reported on 6 April 1848, "great excesses had been committed by armed bands of Poles, headed by some of the Nobles and Refugees, who have pillaged and set fire to country seats and farm houses and rendered themselves guilty of other depredations which the Government will endeavour to repress by moveable columns of Troops".

In the beginning of April the local Poznań Parliament voted 26 to 17 votes against joining German Confederation on 3 April 1848. The German minority in Greater Poland through German National Committee declared that it rejects any notion of Polish-German brotherhood and Germans will not resign from controlling the area, even if Polish state is re-established. On 4 April Prussian military declared a stage of siege in Poznań.

Berlin authorities tried to delay the course of events by proposing the division of the province in two parts. Additionally they tried to convince Poles that creation of Polish military formations will hinder the talks about autonomy. Poles on their side, have begun to create armed units on 22 March based on decision of Polish National Committee, which in the meantime changed its name to Polish Central Committee. On 28 March Ludwik Mierosławski took command of military supply and organization, in which he was supported by Polish officers from emigration. Fearing intervention by Russian Empire in Prussia taken by liberal revolt, Poles were preparing for a joint defense with Prussian forces against possible Russian attack. Prince Adam Czartoryski came to Berlin for political talks, and general Ignacy Prądzyński prepared plans for possible war with Russia.

On 5 April the new "Royal Civil Commissioner for the Province Posen", Karl Wilhelm von Willisen, a figure claiming to be sympathetic to the Polish cause, arrived at Poznań and his early actions disappointed the Germans greatly. Willisen soon came in conflict with the military commander of Poznań, general Friedrich August Peter von Colomb, who opposed any kind of Polish independence efforts. Willisen declared that Poles will be granted autonomy but they have to reduce their forces, which on beginning of April counted 7,000 people. A compromise was reached on 11 April in Jarosławiec, when Willisen permitted Poles to have four military camps counting 720 people each (In the end the number of people in the camps was around 4,000). Willisen himself left Poznań on 20 April, blamed for treason and having "betrayed the German cause" and as a contemporary eyewitness wrote "Willisen was exposed to personal insults or even danger from the infuriated German and Jewish mobs of Posen” . Not longafter he was relieved of his duties and replaced by Ernst von Pfuel, who arrived in Poznań early May.

On 14 April the Prussian king declared that ten northern and western counties out of the 24 counties of the province would not take part in the planned political reorganization; on 26 April this was spread to parts of six additional counties, including the City of Poznań itself, leaving to Poles only nine counties. To all involved parties it was obviously a temporary solution and unacceptable to Poles as out of the administrative districts Poles had majority in 18 while Germans in 6, out which four were in the western part and 2 in the northern part. The demobilized Polish militia was harassed by German forces and several Poles were either murdered or wounded.

 
 
Military confrontation
The Polish National Committee had decided to unarm its forces, but this determination was ignored by Mierosławski who expected a Russian intervention in which they would assist Prussian forces in defense as an ally.

As such they were unprepared to fight the Prussians. As the Prussian troops lashed unrestricted terror against the Polish population, the Prussian attack started on 29 April as camps in Książ, Pleszew, Września and Miłosław were assaulted.

In Książ, Prussian troops destroyed the town after murdering 600 prisoners and wounded  Among the victims of the massacre was Florian Dąbrowski Additionally population of Grodzisk led by Jewish doctor Marcus Mosse defended the town against encroaching 600 Prussian troops.

Polish committees in Wielkopolska were being attacked as well, Demobilized Poles returning to their homes were being harassed as were Catholic priests, while Germans pacified villages.

This provoked an outrage in Polish peasants who rose up against Prussian forces in rural uprising and guerrilla warfare, and joined the regular Polish forces under Mierosławski.

Mierosławski believed that to save morale and honor of Poles it is necessary to resist military, while the Committee members were opposed to fighting, and as such the Committee disbanded itself on 30 April, in its last proclamation stressing the Prussian treachery and violence.
  Role of German militia
After Duchy of Warsaw was abolished in 1815, Prussia engaged in German colonization of Polish territories it acquired in Congress of Vienna, continuing previous efforts started with the Partitions  Settlement of German colonists were supported especially under the rule of Eduard Flottwell in the years 1831–1840 As Encyclopædia Britannica writes "At the end of 1830, however, a new policy was inaugurated with the presidency of E. H. von Flottwell: the experiment of settling subsidized German colonists on Polish soil (started by Frederick the Great after the first partition of Poland) was resumed". At the end of 1830, however, a new policy was inaugurated with the presidency of E. H. von Flottwell: the experiment of settling subsidized German colonists on Polish soil (started by Frederick the Great after the first partition of Poland). According to Jerzy Kozłowski a particular role in the conflict was played by German colonists who formed their own militia, engaging in acts of terror against Polish population. Witold Matwiejczyk claims these colonists came from previous settlement efforts by Prussian government which intensified efforts to settle Germans into Poznan region after 1815, and were hostile towards Polish movement, but initially fearing Russian intervention kept low profile During the conflict the colonists formed military formations called Schutzvereine and Schutzwache and not only accompanied Prussian military in pacifying Polish villages but also engaged in acts on their own initiative German colonists were particularly active in Szczytno region and in Czarnkowski region formed their own scytheman unit  where a local German military commander known for his anti-Polish attitude managed to organize several hundred colonists into paramilitary units and took over Czarnkow from Polish forces
 
 

Battle at Miłosław, 1868 painting by Juliusz Kossak.
 
 
Battle of Miłosław
On 30 April Ludwik Mierosławski successfully defeated Prussian forces near Miłosław; after winning at Książ, Prussian general Blumen commanding 2500 soldiers and four cannons, encroached on Miłosław where Ludwik Mierosławski was located along with 1200 soldiers and 4 cannons. The Prussian forces divided themselves into two columns-one moving from Środa the other from Września. Initially Mierosławski engaged in talks with Blumen, but when he received news that Poles from Now Miasto under the command of Józef Garczyński are coming to help him with 1000 soldiers and that additional reinforcements of 1200 soldiers are moving from Pleszew under the command of Feliks Białoskórski, he broke down the negotiations. As consequence the battle started. In the first phase of the battle, Polish forces were driven out of Miłosław and took positions along two sides of the main road. In pursuit of retreating Poles Blumen ordered a cavalry assault. The Prussian pursuit was stopped however by the arrival of Garczyński, and when Białoskórki soldiers arrived the Poles counterattacked. The second phase was dominated by Polish counterattack along the line of the main road and attack on cavalry unit before it was able to attack Polish positions. Afterwards Poles re-entered the town and Prussians were forced to retreat. However, the Poles were exhausted and were not able to pursue the retreating Prussians, causing the victory to not be exploited to its full potential. Polish losses counted 200 soldiers while the Prussians 225.
 
 
Further fighting and end of the Uprising
On 2 May the Polish kosynierzy defeated Prussian column near Września at the village of Sokołowo[disambiguation needed], but their victory just as well was connected to heavy losses. Prussians managed to defeat Polish forces in Mosina, Rogalin, Stęszew, Kórnik, Buk, Oborniki. Mierosławski tendered his resignation as the commander of the Polish forces on 6 May and the new Supreme commander, Augustyn Brzezanski, capitulated on 9 May. The act of capitulation was signed in Bardo near Września.
 
 
Aftermath and consequences
The Grand Duchy of Posen was subsequently replaced with the Province of Posen and the Prussian government rejected any ideas of autonomy. As a Prussian Province it was completely incorporated into the German Confederation, however when the Frankfurt Parliament finalized the German Constitution on 28 March 1849 Poznań wasn't mentioned. In the elections to the Prussian diet in May 1849 Polish delegates achieved 16 out of the 30 seats of the Province, but the elections to the German Constitutional Parliament were largely boycotted by Polish parties in protest against the incorporation. Others called “Now we will go against Prussians not with scythes but with votes”.

1,500 Poles were imprisoned in Poznań Citadel, mostly peasants who took part in the fighting, their heads shaved bald and branded by Prussian authorities by chemical substance which scarred them with permanent wounds on hands, ears and faces. Overall the prisoners were abused with repeated beatings and degrading treatment taking place Stefan Kieniewicz, a Polish historian, in his scholary work analysing the Uprising published in 1935 and republished in 1960, writes that blame for this was shifted between Colomb and his lower-ranking officers, the incident was widely publicised by Polish press . Mierosławski himself, whose mother was French and who lived in Paris prior to 1846, was released after French diplomatical protest and commanded German insurgent units in Baden and the Electorate of the Palatinate in 1849 during the revolutions of 1848 in the German states.

The Uprising showed to Poles that there was no possibility to negotiate with Germans regarding Polish statehood. The so-called “Polen-Debatte” in Frankfurt Parliament on July 1848 concerned the issue of Poland and showed the attitude of German politicians regarding this. They opposed Poland and any concessions to Poles in Poznań. Those who in the past have claimed to be friendly towards Poles, rejected all of their former declarations and called them mistakes and the idea of restored Poland “insanity”. At the same time the demands of German representatives were not only directed against Poland, they also wanted a war with Denmark, opposed autonomy for Italians in South Tyrol, called Alsace-Lorraine German, and talked about German interests in Baltic provinces of Russia. While the Uprising was focused in Wielkopolska, it also reached out to other Polish inhabited areas, in Pomerania Natalis Sulerzeski organized Polish armed forces and together with Ignacym Łyskowskim arranged a meeting in Wębrzyn of Polish delegates was organized who created Tymczasowy Komitety Prus Polskich. It was to start talks on reorganization of Western Prussia provinces on 5 April in Chełmno, but it never came to that, as Prussians arrested most of its members and put them in prison in Grudziądz. Seweryn Elżanowski in response organized a military formation counting several hundred people which took part in combat near Bory Tucholskie after which it moved into Wielkopolska. The Polish national movement in Pomerania decided after those events to pursue its goals by legal means, and remained in this position till First World War The events of the failed Uprising inspired Polish movement.

  A crucial point was that unlike in Galicia or Congress Poland the peasantry took active and decisive part on behalf of Polish resistance. The Polish peasants had seen in German colonization a primary threat to their national and social interests. The post-uprising repression’s spawned defensive reactions within the Polish society. Some of the Polish activists, mostly members of the landed gentry and the intelligentsia, abandoned armed insurrection and began to propagate a doctrine of organic work by strengthening the economic potential and educational level in Polish territories. Others favored an armed struggle for independence and formed the Poznan Committee (Kormitet Poznanski), which represented the democratically oriented landowners and intelligentsia, or the socialist Society of Plebeians (Zwiazek Plebejuszy).

Both organizations worked for an uprising that would encompass all three parts of the partitioned Poland. In Pomerania during elections three Polish representatives were elected to the Prussian Parliament. They were led by Ignacy Łyskowski, a landlord and journalist, who printed a Polish newspaper Szkółka Narodowa in Chełmno. The 1848 was a turning point for Polish national movement in Pomerania, which gained support of city inhabitants and Polish peasants, and especially strong support among Polish clergy, who were subjected to hostile policies by German bishopric in Pelplin.

The Polish activists from Pomerania soon came in contact with Masurs and Gustaw Gizewiusz, who encouraged Masurs to defend their local traditions and language. Unfortunately he died soon after being elected to Berlin Parliament. In Silesia the movement from Wielkopolska reached out to Józef Lompa and Emanuel Smołka who organized the Polish national movement in Upper and Lower Silesia. A Polish pastor Józef Szafranek was elected to parliament in Berlin.

The Poles in western partition decided to focus their energy on increasing economic and political position of Poles before deciding for military confrontation. For 70 years Poles would work on developing their organization, increasing wealth and development of Polish lands.

The first organization to do so was Polish League created in Summer 1848. Made by liberal politicians it was led by Count August Cieszkowski-writer and philosopher. Its aims were the increasing of national self-awareness among Polish population, rising its life standards and defense of Catholic faith and Polish-owned land.

By Autumn 1848 it counted already 40,000 members. Its main directorate was led by count Gustaw Potworowski. The organization supported agricultural reforms by Polish rural dwellers, and spread information connected to improving agriculture as well as strengthening civic unity. While it was completely legal and didn’t violate any laws, the Prussian government disbanded it in 1850.

In practice its members continued to work and soon numerous successor organizations were founded leading way to Polish resistance in Prussian Partition of Poland based on economic and legal opposition.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
1848
 
 
Moldavian Revolution of 1848
 
The Moldavian Revolution of 1848 was an unsuccessful Romanian liberal and Romantic nationalist revolt in the principality of Moldavia. Part of the Revolutions of 1848, and closely connected with the successful uprising in Wallachia, it sought to overturn the administration imposed by Imperial Russian authorities under the Regulamentul Organic regime. Led by a group of young intellectuals, it was quickly suppressed. This was despite the fact that the Moldavian revolutionaries were more moderate and willing to compromise in their demands for reforms than their Wallachian counterparts, as Moldavian political and social life continued to be dominated by a landed, conservative aristocracy, with the middle class still embryonic.
 

Background
In Moldavia the boyars, from whose lower ranks the revolutionaries would be drawn, had come into sharp conflict with Prince Mihail Sturdza, objecting to his authoritarianism and failure to consult them, with some desiring the throne for themselves. They denounced him to Saint Petersburg and Istanbul, forming plots in the general assembly, but as they were internally divided and lacked popular support, Sturdza remained unconcerned at these flare-ups.

The peasantry was also aggrieved, and between 1846 and 1848 opposition to Sturdza intensified. The commercial and industrial associations of Iaşi (the capital city) in 1846 protested against the prince's plan to raise taxes again; in several rural areas small and middle-size landlords objected to paying additional taxes; and the summer of 1847 saw sharp contests in several judeţe by liberal boyars for seats in the general assembly. Peasants in Moldavia and Wallachia refused to perform labour services, with violence and flight abroad increasing in autumn 1847 and the next spring. Eager for change, intellectuals were roused by the February revolution in Paris, where a number of them were studying.

 
 
Course of events
Iasi

Moldavian revolutionaries arrived in Iaşi after violence had broken out in Wallachia. On 8 April 1848, a few great boyars opposed to Sturdza, younger liberal boyars, and representatives of the middle class and other urban classes, perhaps a thousand in all, met in the Hotel Petersburg to decide on a course of action. This meeting was the culmination of several weeks of small private gatherings and several public manifestos denouncing despotism, all occasioned by news of the events in Paris, Vienna and Berlin.

Moderates prevailed, persuading the gathering to support a petition to the prince setting forth all their grievances and proposing suitable reforms. They also agreed to dissolve their assembly and all other associations right after delivering the petition. Such caution seems principally to have been inspired by fear that the urban lower classes and peasantry would push the protest movement to extremes.

A committee chaired by the poet Vasile Alecsandri drew up Petiţia-proclamaţie ("The Petition-Proclamation") addressed to the general population and to the prince. Their overall objective was to install a moderate liberal political regime and to stimulate economic development. Strict adherence to the law by officials as well as citizens was set down as a basic principle of government—unmistakably a reference to the corruption and arbitrariness of Sturdza's authoritarian regime. Rules were then outlined for electing a new, more representative assembly with increased powers, including the right to make proposals to the prince on all matters affecting the general welfare and to examine all government ordinances concerning public affairs and judicial administration before they were put into effect.

  They urged the creation of a national bank "to facilitate commerce" and the abolition of all tariffs "harmful to agriculture and commerce", also making a general plea for an improvement in peasants' relations with landlords and the state. While committed to reform and good institutions, they did not intend to overturn the country's existing political and social structures.

Sturdza received the petition-proclamation on 9 April and agreed to 33 of its 35 points, rejecting those that concerned dissolution of the general assembly and the formation of a national guard, also, it appears, objecting to the abolition of censorship. To his surprise, the movement leaders demanded acceptance of the entire petition. Sturdza withdrew to the army barracks and that evening took steps to crush the opposition. Several people were killed in brief fighting, and some 300 were arrested. Among those who fled, either to Transylvania or Bukovina, were Alecsandri and the young officer Alexandru Ioan Cuza, who would come to rule the United Principalities in the 1860s. Sturdza, now bent on permanently halting all dissent, made anyone even suspected of opposition subject to arrest, imposed strict censorship, and had students returning from France stopped at the border and interrogated before being allowed to proceed.

The Moldavian movement and its Wallachian counterpart alarmed Russia, which in late March had warned Sturdza and Prince Gheorghe Bibescu that armies would be sent across the Prut if changes were pondered in the Organic Statute system. The threat emboldened Sturdza to resist the liberals' demands. In April, after the Iaşi petitioners were scattered, Tsar Nicholas sent an aide, General Alexander Duhamel, to investigate the situation; in Iaşi he urged the prince to make a few modest concessions to defuse the situation, but the latter rejected any move toward "liberalism".

 
 
Cernăuţi
Meeting in Cernăuţi, Bukovina, Moldavian liberals formed Comitetul Revoluţionar Moldovean (the Moldavian Revolutionary Committee) and commissioned Mihail Kogălniceanu to draw up a new statement of principles, Dorinţele partidei naţionale din Moldova ("The Wishes of the National Party in Moldavia"), published in August. More liberal than the 9 April petition, it called for an elected assembly with extensive powers, including the right to initiate legislation, and expanded the local autonomy of judeţe, cities and rural communes.

Kogălniceanu also drafted a constitution, Proiectul de Constituţie, which rendered the legislature the dominant branch of government, allowing it to vote taxes, draw up the annual state budget, stimulate agriculture, industry and commerce, reform laws, elect the prince, and choose the metropolitan and bishops of the Orthodox Church. Kogălniceanu, a future Prime Minister of Romania, proposed that all orders of society be represented in the assembly, without calling for universal suffrage. Instead he proposed the creation of electoral college, giving the upper classes predominant power. Like most of his colleagues, he felt obliged to remain mindful of his era's social and political realities by recognizing the boyars' continued leading role and limiting the participation of peasants due to their lack of education and experience.

  Aftermath
On 7 July Russian troops entered Moldavia in order to prevent the establishment of a revolutionary government similar to that in Bucharest, but did not cross into Wallachia until 27 September. Military administration lasted until 1 May 1849, when the Convention of Balta Liman was signed with the Ottoman government and restored joint Russo-Turkish control over the Danubian Principalities.

The powers installed Grigore Alexandru Ghica as the new prince of Moldavia in 1849; he was close to the reformers and in 1848 supported their liberal programme. The selection was mainly due to Ottoman grand vizier Reshid pasha, who was impressed with Ghica's moderate liberalism, which he believed would promote a stable administration after the preceding year's turbulence. Remaining sympathetic to the liberal agenda, he not only allowed a number of revolutionaries to return home, but brought many of them into his administration, including Kogălniceanu, Alecsandri and Ion Ionescu de la Brad.

He introduced important administrative reforms and promoted economic development and education, but eventually lost sympathy from the revolutionary leaders for failing to change the peasantry's status or broaden middle- and lower-class participation in political life.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
1848
 
 
Pan-Slav Congress of 1848
 
The Prague Slavic Congress of 1848 (also known as the Pan-Slav Congress of 1848) took place in Prague between June 2 and June 12, 1848. It was first of several times that voices from all Slav populations of Central Europe were heard in one place. The meeting was meant to be a show of resistance to German nationalism in the city of Prague in the predominantly Slavic Kingdom of Bohemia.

Several other Slavic Congresses were held in different eastern European cities over the next 100 years.

 
Pan-Slavism
Pan-Slavism developed over time leading up to the Congress in 1848. The development of some sort of national identity helped to unite the Slavic lands against the increasing German nationalism. The identification of these lands as Slavic does not mean that they are all the same. Within the overarching Slavic category, there are many other groups such as Poles, Czechs and Slovenes.
 
 
The Congress
The exact goal of the Congress was unclear even as it was beginning. In addition to lacking a goal, the conference planners also quarreled over the format and the agenda of the gathering. Perhaps this was an indication of how difficult the conference would be for the factions to come together.

Once underway, the conference met in three sections: Poles and Ukrainians; South Slavs; and Czecho-Slovaks. The Pole-Ukrainian section contained a combination of Ruthenes, Mazurians, Greater Poles, and Lithuanians. Of the total 340 delegates at the Congress, the greatest number came from the Czecho-Slovak section. 237 Czecho-Slovaks participated along with 42 South Slavs and 61 Pole-Ukrainian. German was the primary language used during discussions.

During the Congress, there was debate about the role of Austria in the lives of the Slavs. Dr. Josef Frič argued that the “primary goal is the preservation of Austria”, adding that the Congress “only differs on the means.” This point was disputed by Ľudovít Štúr who told the Congress, “our goal is self-preservation”.

  Such a disconnect was typical of the environment of this conference.

One important statement did come out of the conference around June 10, when the Manifesto to the Nations of Europe was pronounced. The statement was a strongly worded proclamation that demanded an end to the oppression of the Slav people. It’s important to note that the Slavs did not look for any type of revenge. Rather they wanted to “extend a brotherly hand to all neighbouring nations who are prepared to recognize and effectively champion with us the full equality of all nations, irrespective of their political power or size”. This was an important development because it indicated some sort of unity among all of the Slav people of Europe.

The Congress was cut short on June 12, when fighting broke out on the streets. This later became known as the Whitsuntide events because of the timing during the Christian holiday of Pentecost. The delegates left in disgust and some were even arrested because of the revolutionary nature of the Congress.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
Pan-Slavism
 
Pan-Slavism, 19th-century movement that recognized a common ethnic background among the various Slav peoples of eastern and east central Europe and sought to unite those peoples for the achievement of common cultural and political goals.
 
The Pan-Slav movement originally was formed in the first half of the 19th century by West and South Slav intellectuals, scholars, and poets, whose peoples were at that time also developing their sense of national identity. The Pan-Slavists engaged in studying folk songs, folklore, and peasant vernaculars of the Slav peoples, in demonstrating the similarities among them, and in trying to stimulate a sense of Slav unity. As such activities were conducted mainly in Prague, that city became the first Pan-Slav centre for studying Slav antiquities and philology.

The Pan-Slavism movement soon took on political overtones, and in June 1848, while the Austrian Empire was weakened by revolution, the Czech historian František Palacký convened a Slav congress in Prague. Consisting of representatives of all Slav nationalities ruled by the Austrians, the congress was intended to organize cooperative efforts among them for the purpose of compelling the Emperor to transform his monarchy into a federation of equal peoples under a democratic Habsburg rule.
Although the congress had little practical effect, the movement remained active, and by the 1860s it became particularly popular in Russia, to which many Pan-Slavs looked for leadership as well as for protection from Austro-Hungarian and Turkish rule.

  Russian Pan-Slavists, however, altered the theoretical bases of the movement.

Adopting the Slavophile notion that western Europe was spiritually and culturally bankrupt and that it was Russia’s historic mission to rejuvenate Europe by gaining political dominance over it, the Pan-Slavists added the concept that Russia’s mission could not be fulfilled without the support of other Slav peoples, who must be liberated from their Austrian and Turkish masters and united into a Russian-dominated Slav confederation.

Although the Russian government did not officially support this view, some important members of its foreign department, including its representatives at Constantinople and Belgrade, were ardent Pan-Slavists and succeeded in drawing both Serbia and Russia into wars against the Ottoman Empire in 1876–77.

When efforts were made in the early 20th century to call new Pan-Slav congresses and revive the movement, the nationalistic rivalries among the various Slav peoples prevented their effective collaboration.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
 
 
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-48 (part II)
 

 
 

'THE SPRINGTIME OF THE PEOPLES'

 

Minds were in such a state that if someone had arrived and said, 'The good Lord has just been chased out of heaven; the Republic has been proclaimed there!', then everyone would have believed him and no one would have been amazed.

The aristocratic Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin on the outbreak of the 1848 revolutions, Aug. 1851; Lawrence D. Orton (ed.) The Confession of Mikhail Bakunin (1977) p.57. Bakunin wrote his confession for Tsar Nicholas I during his imprisonment in the aftermath of the 1848 upheaval.

****

There will be no wars on questions of partition, domination, nationality and influence. No more weak and strong, oppressed and oppressors. Every country, free to enjoy its liberties and to live its own life, will hasten to enjoy the life and liberty of all.

Etienne Garnier-Pages Histoire de la Revolution de / 848 (1866) Vol.7, p. 177.

****

Soon, perhaps, in less than a year, the monstrous Austrian empire will be destroyed. The liberated Italians will proclaim an Italian republic. The Germans, united into a single great nation, will proclaim a German republic. The Polish democrats after seventeen years in exile will return to their homes. The revolutionary movement will stop only when Europe, the whole of Europe, not excluding Russia, is turned into a federal democratic republic.

Mikhail Bakunin in the journal La Reforms, 13 March 1848. How this recalls the heady days of 1989-91, when the Soviet empire in eastern Europe collapsed and the USSR itself was thought capable of metamorphosing into 16 liberal democracies.

****

We are living in a time which seems to break with the past; the battle will be prolonged if the break is only partial, if all the debris of the collapse is not removed ... It will not only be a matter of political change; a social revolution will inevitably follow on its heels ... It is terrible how we are situated on the storm side of history, between the death of the past and the hour of birth for the future - but this moment had to come.

The German Fanny Lewald, journal entry, Paris, 22 March 1848; Hanna Ballin Lewis (ed.) A Year of Revolutions (1997) p.8l.

****

A spectre is haunting Europe - the spectre of Communism ... The history of all previous society is
the history of class struggles ... All society is increasingly splitting up into two great hostile classes: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat... Modern bourgeois society which has conjured up such gigantic means of production and exchange ... has also produced the modern workers, the PROLETARIANS ... its own grave-diggers. Its downfall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable ... The Communists ... openly declare that their ends can only be attained by the forcible overthrow of existing social conditions. Let the ruling class tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKERS OF ALL LANDS, UNITE!

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels The Communist Manifesto (Jan. 1848). A celebrated proclamation, written in late 1847 and published on the eve of the revolutionary outbreak in Paris. The founding fathers of Marxist Socialism had high hopes, not to be fulfilled in their lifetimes.

 
 

FRANCE: UPSURGE AND RECOIL, JANUARY-SEPTEMBER 1848

 


Look at what is going on among the working classes ... Do you not see that little by little opinions and ideas are spreading in their midst which are not aimed simply at overturning this or that law or ministry or government, but society itself, shaking it to the very foundations on which it rests ... I believe that at this moment we are sleeping on a volcano.

The historian and politician Alexis de Tocqueville in the Chamber of Deputies, 27 Jan. 1848; The Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville (1959) pp. 12-13.

****

What is the producer? Nothing! What should he be? Everything!

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, banner heading of his broadsheet The Representative of the People, 7 Feb. 1848. Proudhon seeks to move the revolution from the political into the social phase, echoing Sieyes's celebrated Qu'est-ce que c'est que le Tiers hat? (What is the Third Estate?) of 1789. He wrote more than two weeks before the roof fell in on thejuly Monarchy.

****

They drove the bloody corpses of those that had fallen at Guizot's ministry on wagons through the streets. Men with burning torches illuminating the gaping wounds with their fiery light surrounded these wagons and the cry, 'To arms! They are murdering us' rang through the night air, drowning out the drumbeats and the sound of the alarm bells. Barricades arose as if by magic and spread through the whole city.

Fanny Lewald on the aftermath of the mass shooting of demonstrators outside the Foreign Ministry on 23 Feb., which triggered the 1848 revolution in Paris; Lewis (1997) p.48. Street barricades had been a leading feature of the successful Paris upsurge of July 1830.

****

In 1830 we were barged out of the way; now in 1848 we are compelled to start again.

Adolphe Cremieux, a moderate Republican, in the Chamber of Deputies, 24 Feb. 1848, looking for republicanism to seize its second chance.

****

The July Revolution was carried out by the people, but the middle class which had touched it off and led it, was its chief beneficiary. The February Revolution, on the other hand, seemed to have been the work of forces completely outside the framework of the bourgeoisie and directed against it.

Alexis de Tocqueville (1959) pp.91-2.

****

One cannot believe that a great nation like this can really submit to the dictation of a few low demagogues, none of them, except Lamartine, of any personal following, but hoisted into power by base desertion of duty on the part of all the armed forces, and at the pleasure of the very scum of the earth.

Marquis of Normanby, 24 Feb. 1848; Journal of a Year of Revolution (1857) Vol.1, p.96. The marquis was British ambassador to France; Lamartine was president of the brand-new Second Republic, proclaimed that day.

****

They are a crowd of lawyers and writers, each more ignorant than the next, who will fight for a share of power. I will have nothing to do with them.

The French anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, diary entry, 24 Feb. 1848; Melanges (1868) Vol.2, pp.6-8. His subject-matter is the members of the provisional government of the republic.

****

The red flag has only been paraded round the Champ de Mars, dragged through the blood of the people. The tricolour has girdled the world with the reputation, the glory and the liberty of the country.

Alphonse de Lamartine, 25 Feb. 1848. The new president fends off the bid to make the flag of the workers the national banner, replacing the red, white and blue flag of France first flown in 1792. His rejection demonstrated the conflict from the outset between moderate and extreme republicans.

****

Keep the tricolour if you want to as the symbol of our nationality. But remember that the red flag represents the final revolution ... The red flag is the federal standard of humanity!

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, March 1848; La Solution du probleme social (1848). Proudhon implies the need to spread the revolution beyond the borders of France.

****

The Provisional Government of the French Republic undertakes to guarantee the livelihood by work of the workers; it undertakes to guarantee work for all citizens; it recognizes that workers must combine in order to enjoy the legitimate benefits of their labour.

Decree on the right to work, 25 Feb. 1848; J.A.R. Marriott The French Revolution of 1848 in its Economic Aspects (1913) Vol.2, p. 19. The decree led to the establishment of the national workshops to provide work for the unemployed. The most controversial act of the new regime, it was drafted by the radical revolutionary Louis Blanc.

****

The proclamation of the French Republic is not an act of aggression against any form of government... War is not now the principle of the French republic, as it was the fatal and glorious necessity of the republic of 1792 ... The French republic, therefore, will not commence war against any state ... It will not pursue secret or incendiary propagandism among neighbouring states. It is aware that there is no real liberty for nations except that which springs from themselves and takes its birth from their own soil.

Alphonse de Lamartine, Manifesto to Europe, 6 March 1848; A History of the French Revolution of 1848 (1905 edn) pp.278-85. Lamartine intended the manifesto as a reassurance that France was not about to embark on a revolutionary crusade, as it had done in the 1790s.

****

Some regiments are handing in their weapons. Others are dismissing their officers. There are even soldiers who refuse to do duty in the guardroom. What a mess! And what a state for an army to be in!

Marshal de Castellane, diary entry, 16 March 1848.

****

They must concern themselves with one thing only, namely with choosing as their representatives men of recognized integrity who are frankly resolved to set up a Republic in France that respects the sacred rights of religion, liberty, property and the family.

Bishop of Rennes to his parish clergy on the eve of the general election of April 1848, instructing them to mobilize the electorate to vote the right way; Roger Price (ed.) /848 in France (1975) p.92.

****

I found myself behind three Blouses [labourers in coarse shirts] evidently belonging to the Ateliers Nationaux [national workshops] ... One of them was saying to the other two: 'They're awarding themselves 25 francs a day. They're giving us 30 sous [one-eightieth as much], and they call that equality.'

British ambassador Lord Normanby; (1857) Vol.1, p.391. Normanby was overhearing the grievances of the Parisian working-class against the members of the newly elected parliament, 15 May 1848, the day of a failed coup by extreme revolutionaries.

****

Unmarried workers aged between 18 and 25 years will be invited to enlist under the flag of the republic in order to make up the numbers of the various regiments of the army. Those who refuse voluntary enlistment will be taken off the nominal rolls of the National Workshops.

The first section of the order dissolving the national workshops, drafted on 24 May and published on 20 June, sparking the protests that led to the 'June Days', in which an attempt by the militant left to mount a second insurrection was mercilessly suppressed; Marriott (1913) Vol.2, pp.271-4.

****

Du Pain ou du Plomb! (Bread or Lead!)

Slogan on banners carried by working-class demonstrators in Paris, 23 June 1848. In other words: 'If you don't give us a livelihood, there'll be civil war.'

****

The crowds who took possession of the Pantheon were either shot through the windows and as they came out, or were driven into the vaults beneath, where they will be compelled by hunger to surrender at discretion. A company of guards hemmed in between two barricades were completely annihilated. Parties were forbidden on pain of death to open a window; I ventured to open mine in the morning, but a party of guards noticed me and made signs for me to withdraw immediately; a few moments of hesitation would probably have exposed me to a shower of bullets.

An Englishman in Paris, Sir Edward Frankland, 24 June 1848; Sketches from the Life of Sir Edward Frankland (1902).

****

The wretched men piled into the attics, under the roof leads, suffocating, gasping for air, were putting their heads through a narrow skylight so they could breathe ... Every head that showed served as a target
for the National Guards stationed below and was greeted by a musket ball... The bourgeoisie was capable of the September massacres [of 1792], and yet ... the men of September killed people they believed were the enemies of France: grocers will kill people they think are the enemies of their shops.

The writer Ernest Renan, then a student, 10 July 1848, on the sequel to the June Days; Complete Works (1885) Vol.9, p. 1097.

****

Paris is burying her dead. The pavements used for the barricades have been replaced - to be torn up again, perhaps, tomorrow ... A hateful scene of destruction; even the Spirit of Liberty on top of the Bastille column has a bullet through her body.

The composer Hector Berlioz, 16 July 1848; Memoirs (1987 edn) p. 16. The column commemorating the fall of the Bastille stood in the working-class quarter at the east end of the city, and the statue of Liberty was clearly the target of a vengeful counter-revolutionary.

****

The Republic is lucky; it can fire on the people.

Louis-Philippe in exile, attrib. Not to say that his regime had not done its share of coercion.

****

Family, institutions, liberty, fatherland, all were stricken in the heart, and, under the blows of these new barbarians, the civilization of the nineteenth century was threatened with destruction. But no! ... This we swear by all of France, which rejects with horror those savage doctrines in which the family is only a name and property is only theft.

National Assembly resolution, 28 June 1848; F.A. de Luna The French Republic under Cavaignac 1848 (1969) p. 152. Note the explicit reference to Proudhon's dictum, 'Property is Theft'.

****

If the people impose duties on me, I know how to fulfil them: but I reject all those who would credit me with ambitious intentions I do not possess. My name is a symbol of order, national feeling and glory, and it would be with the deepest sorrow that I would see it used to compound the difficulties and the rifts within the country. To avoid such a misfortune I would rather stay in exile.

Louis-Napoleon, nephew of Napoleon, statement issued from London, 14 June 1848; Normanby (1857) Vol.1, p.475. Louis Napoleon headed the Bonapartist cause and had been jailed for several years after a failed coup in 1840. Now elected to the National Assembly, he disclaims any further bid for power. In December 1848 he was elected president of the Republic.

****

In the midst of all this, lost in a clutter of mediocrity, one could have noticed one canvas that was simple, serious and unpretentious. A seated woman supports two children at her breasts; at her feet two children read. The Republic nourishes her children and instructs them ... On that day I cried, Long live the Republic! For the Republic had made a painter: DAUMIER.


Jules Champfleury Revue des Arts et des Ateliers, 6 Aug. 1848. The radical artist and caricaturist Honore Daumier had been a committed Republican throughout the July Monarchy. His painting was meant as a tribute to the victory of republicanism, but it went on exhibition just as the regime's political enemies began to take over.

****

When I heard the rally call I went out with my musket. They gave me some drinks and led me to the barricade blocking the way. There they said to me 'Look, are you going to shoot?' 'Hell,' I said, 'who at?' ... I only fired twice ... A man like me is easily led astray.

Testimony of a railway labourer at his court martial, as reported in the newspaper Le National, 7 Sept. 1848. His fate is unknown, but it was almost certainly execution or transportation to the newly acquired colony of Algeria.

****

What is the problem today? It is the problem of creating respect for property in people who do not own any ... You have to make them believe in God ... the God who dictated the ten commandments and who gives robbers their everlasting punishment.

Charles de Montalembert in the National Assembly, 20 Sept.
1848. Montalembert, a distinguished liberal Catholic, here suffers a momentary attack of fundamentalism, brought on by his short-lived support for Louis-Napoleon.

 
 

AUSTRIA: THE FALL OF METTERNICH, MARCH-JUNE 1848

 

When France has a cold, all Europe sneezes.

Prince Clemens Metternich, attrib.

****

Everyone tells me that something must happen, That is entirely right. But what? Our monarchy is an old house. We cannot break through the walls, open new windows and undertake great internal changes without danger.

Prince Clemens Metternich, 29 Feb. 1848, after the news of the French Republic reached Vienna, as recorded in the diary of Baron von HCibner.

****

To see Metternich weak, deaf, reduced to a shadow, senile, is to make one sense that he will not have the strength to weather the storm. I saw the Emperor recently at a court ball: I would never have believed him in such a terrible condition. The Empress spends all her time with her confessor, but she will not pray away the trouble.

The Prussian Count Karl Witzhum, 29 Feb. 1848; Istvan Deak The Lawful Revolution (1979) p.60. Could there be a touch of Schadenfreude here, coming from Austria's rival for mastery in central Europe?

****

That fury which alone makes a revolution, that holy rapture of enthusiasm which overthrows in a moment what centuries of evil have built up and which all at once tears away and washes away the rocks of the old like a cloudburst - they had made their appearance!

The Viennese student August Silberstein, 13 March 1848, the day of the demonstration that brought down Metternich; Geschichte der Aula (History of the University) pp. 18-19.

****

Who can judge how far a wildly excited and uneducated mob can be led by the Utopia of the abolition of property, of the common ownership of goods, and the like? In short, anarchy stood clearly before my eyes.

Eduard Bauernfeld on speeches made on 15 March 1848; Memories of Old Vienna (1923) p.274.

****

Metternich plays the violin very well. There is an old one ... in the tower. He keeps playing the Marseillaise on it and whistles a spasmodic accompaniment in the moonlight.

Justinus Kerner, c.2 April 1848; Correspondence with his Friends Vol.2. Metternich was given refuge in Kerner's country house en route to exile in Britain. Can it really be true that the impresario of European reaction performed the battle-hymn of the revolution that had just deposed him?

****

The wonder is not that the accumulated pressure should at last have broken the barrier and have deluged the country, but that his artificial impediments should have produced stagnation so long.

Lord Palmerston on Metternich, letter to Leopold I of the Belgians, 15 June 1848; E. Ashley The Life of Henry Temple, Viscount Palmerston (1876) Vol. I, p. 104.

****

Error has never come into my mind.

Prince Clemens Metternich to his fellow exile, the French ex-prime minister, Francois Guizot, on the steps of the British Museum, summer 1848; Alan Palmer Metternich (1972) p.317.

 
 

HUNGARY: THE MAGYAR CHALLENGE

 

From the charnel house of the Vienna System a noxious stench wafts towards us, paralysing our nerves and denying our national feeling ... We are the people who can save the dynasty, link its future to the commonwealth of the different ethnic groups in Austria, and substitute the firm cement of a free constitution for the evil binding force of bayonets and bureaucratic oppression.

The Hungarian nationalist leader Lajos Kossuth, 3 March 1848; J.G. Legge Rhyme and Revolution in Germany (1918) pp.261-2. Kossuth seizes the opportunity to go on to the attack in the wake of the news of the revolution in Paris. The Vienna System was the repression imposed on Austria and the states of Germany by Metternich since 1815. The dynasty was the Habsburgs, the ruling house of the Austrian empire.

****

All measures proposed as aids to our constitutional progress ... can only attain real value when a national government shall exist independent of foreign influence ... and which ... shall be responsible to the nation, the voice of which it will duly represent.

Proclamation by the Hungarian diet, 14 March 1848; E. Szabad Hungary Past and Present (1854) p.279.

****

The prerequisites for the unity of the state are one political nationality and one state language. This language can only be that of the race which has conquered the fatherland by blood ... Our citizens of other languages must therefore become Magyars when they are in contact with public institutions.

The nationalist paper Pesti Hirlap, 6 April 1848. Magyars constituted some 40% of Hungary's population; the remainder, mostly Slavs, were clearly due to be brought into line with the new ruling class.

****

Do not deceive yourselves, citizens! The Magyars stand alone in the world against the conspiracy of the sovereigns and nations which surround them; the Emperor of Russia besets us ... In Vienna the courtiers and statesmen are calculating the advent of the day when they shall be able again to rivet the chains of their old slaves the Magyars, an undisciplined and rebellious race. Oh, my citizens, it is thus that tyrants have ever designated free men. You are alone, I repeat. Are you ready and willing to fight?

Lajos Kossuth to the Hungarian diet, I I July 1848; Annual Register, 1848, p.412. This nightmare of encirclement was no exaggeration, as 1849 was to prove.

****

Let us colour our flags black and red Because mourning and blood
Will be the fate of the Hungarian nation.

The Magyar nationalist poet Sandor Petofi, summer 1848; L. Deme The Radical Left in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 (1976) p.91. An all-too-accurate prophecy.

****

You Serbs, Croats, Germans, Slovaks, Romanians,
Why do you all ravage the Hungarian? ...
There shall be no peace until the last drop of blood

Flows from your evil hearts. Sandor Petofi life or Death', Sept. 1849; Deme (1976) pp.72-3. By the time this poem was written the Hungarian revolution had been crushed by the intervention of the Russian army, invited in by Metternich's successor, Schwarzen-berg, and enthusiastically aided by Austria's loyal Croats under Count Josef Jellacic.
 

 
 

THE SLAY PREDICAMENT

 

If the Austrian empire did not exist, in the interest of Europe, nay of humanity, it would be necessary to make haste to create it.

Frantisek Palacky, 11 April 1848; Stanley J. Pech The Czech Revolution of 1848 (1969) pp.81 -2. The Czech nationalist was declining an invitation to sit in the forthcoming German parliament in Frankfurt and adapting Voltaire in the process ('If God did not exist, it would be necessary to invent Him').

****

The chief champion of the Tschechian nationality, Professor Palacky, is himself but a learned German run mad, who cannot even now speak the Tschechian language correctly and without foreign accent.

Friedrich Engels; Pech (1969) p.337. Tschechian' was the original spelling for what is now rendered as 'Czech'.

****

Austria is clearly beginning to decompose, but the Slavs particularly feel the necessity of combining so as not to be swallowed up either by Russia or Germany.

Frantisek Zach to the Polish prince, Adam Czartoryski, 9 June 1848, as the Slav Congress foregathered in Prague; L.D. Orton The Prague Slav Congress of 1848 (1978) p.30. Like the Hungarians, the Slavs (principally Poles, Czechs and Slovaks) were caught in a Mitteleuropean pincer, as they were again between 1938 and 1989.

****

Under the guise of sympathy for the Slavic tribes supposedly oppressed in other states, there is hidden the criminal thought of a union of these tribes, in spite of the fact that they are subjects of neighbouring and in part allied states. And they expected to attain this goal not through the will of God, but by means of rebellious outbreaks to the detriment and destruction of Russia herself... And if, indeed, a combination of circumstances produce such a union, this will mean the ruin of Russia.

Tsar Nicholas I, marginalia on the deposition of the imprisoned Pan-Slav propagandist Ivan Aksakov, 1849; Orton (1978) p.55. The tsar had had Aksakov arrested as a potential subversive.

****

Austria had sense and meaning only as a German power; the destiny was to elevate the primitive Slav peoples to the level of German civilization, and to offer them as a dowry to Germany. From the moment when the Austrian government, through weakness or lack of self-confidence, is no longer able to fulfil this calling, Austria [will] collapse and deserves to disintegrate. Then only one power can take over the mission which Austria has let fall from its hands: it is the German empire which is being forged in Frankfurt.

Ignaz Kuranda, Die Grenzboten, May 1848; Orton (1978) p.43. A German, or more particularly, a Prussian challenge to Austrian hegemony in central Europe at a moment of critical Austrian weakness.

****

No less sacred to us than man in the enjoyment of his natural rights is the nation, with its sum total of spiritual needs and interests. Even if history has attributed a more complete human development to certain nations than to others, it has none the less always been seen that the capacity of those other nations for development is in no way limited ... We Slavs... extend a brotherly hand to all neighbouring nations, irrespective of their political power or size.

Frantisek Palacky, declaration of the Slav Congress, 12 June 1848; Slavonic and East European Review Vol.26, pp.310, 31 I. An over-optimistic declaration: three days later the Congress had been dispersed by Austrian military power when the forces of Windischgratz took Prague, and both Polish and Czechoslovak nationalism had to wait 70 years to come to fruition.

 
 
ITALY: DIVIDE AND RULE
 
Every time you use the word 'faction', we will thrice repeat that we are a Nation, a Nation, a Nation.

Count Massimo d'Azeglio, attrib. D'Azeglio came from Piedmont, the launch-pad of the Italian bid for a full national identity.

****

Three colours, three colours, Sings the Italian as he marches on.

Luigi Mercantini, 'Hymn of War', 1848, invoking the Italian flag of red, white and green, first adopted by Italian proto-nationalists during Napoleon's Lombardy campaign in 1797.

****

The character of this people has been altered as if by magic, and fanaticism has taken hold of every age group, every class, and both sexes ... It is the most frightful decision of my life, but I can no longer hold Milan. The whole country is in revolt.

The Austrian Marshal Radetzky to von Ficquelmont, 21 and 22 March 1848, under attack by the invading Piedmontese army; Archiv fur osterreichische Geschichte (Archive for Austrian History)(1906) Vol.95, pp.156, 159. The Austrian composer, Johann Strauss the Elder, was to write the famous Radetzky March to celebrate the marshal's reconquest of Lombardy, which came in July and Aug.

****

We will support your just desires, confident as we are in the help of that God who is manifestly on our side; of the God who has given Pius IX to Italy; of God whose helpful hand has wonderfully enabled Italy to rely on her own strength (fare da si).

Charles Albert, king of Sardinia-Piedmont, 23 March 1848; C. Casati Nuove relazioni su I fatti di Milano nel 1847-1848 (New Accounts of the Events in Milan in 1847-8) (1885) Vol.2, p.203. L'ltalia faro da si (Italy will be self-reliant) was to become one of the classic watchwords of Italian nationalism. Pope Pius IX was not, in fact, in any way a supporter of the Italian Risorgimento (Resurrection), and 1848 showed that Italy could not go it alone to achieve nationhood.

****

It is vital that the Italian states, in their composition and extension, should be based upon historical tradition. Peoples who have different origins and customs should not be forced together, therefore, otherwise civil war will follow the war of independence. Finally, no state should be refused the republican form of government if it feels better suited to it than to the transitional stage of a constitutional monarchy.

The Venetian Daniele Manin, 7 June 1848; P. Ginsborg Daniele Manin and the Venetian Revolution of 1848-49 (1979) p.226. Manin wanted to restore the Venetian Republic destroyed by Napoleon; he did not want Venice to be absorbed into a united Italy.

****

We cannot refrain from repudiating, before the face of all nations, the treacherous advice ... of those who would have the Roman Pontiff to be the head and to preside over some form of novel republic of the whole Italian people ... We do urgently warn and exhort the said Italian people ... to abide in close attachment to their respective sovereigns, of whose good will they have already had experience, so as never to let themselves be torn away from the obedience they owe them.

Statement by Pope Pius IX, 29 April 1848; LC. Farini The Roman State 1815-1850 (1854) p. I I I. So much for the hopes of a papal commitment to Italian unification.

****

Article 1. The temporal government of the papacy in Rome is now at an end, in fact and in law.
Article 2. The Roman pontiff will have every guarantee needed for the independent exercise of his spiritual power.
Article 3. The form of government at Rome shall be that of pure democracy, and it will take the glorious name of the Roman Republic.
Article 4. The Roman Republic will enter into such relations with the rest of Italy as our common nationality demands.

Declaration of the Constituent Assembly of Rome, 9 Feb. 1849; G. Spada Storia della Rivoluzione di Roma (1870) Vol.3, pp.201-2. The Roman Republic was the creation of Giuseppe Mazzini, and the last revolutionary area of the peninsula to hold out until suppressed by the intervention of France in June-July 1849. France, by now an extremely conservative republic under the presidency of Louis-Napoleon, came in to prove its counter-revolutionary credentials.

****

Nothing but a rope's end will serve to persuade us Italians to pull together ... If we wish to pass for lions, instead of, as hitherto, rabbits - to overawe our insolent neighbours - we want the whole nation armed: that is, two millions of soldiers - and the clergy honestly employed in draining the Pontine Marshes.

Giuseppe Garibaldi Autobiography (1889) Vol.2, pp. 140-42. Garibaldi had tried and failed to hold Rome against the French but played a decisive part in bringing the southern kingdom of Naples and Sicily into a united Italy in I860 and mounted an unsuccessful expedition to incorporate Rome in 1862. The Pontine Marshes, the swamplands close to Rome, were eventually drained by Mussolini's fascist regime in the 1920s.
 
 

GERMANY: THE ABORTIVE REICH

 

At the head of the procession Professor Kinkel bore the tricolour, black, red and gold, which so long had been prohibited as the revolutionary flag. Arrived in the market square, he ... spoke with a wonderful eloquence ... as he depicted a resurrection of German unity and greatness and new liberties and rights of the German people which now must be conceded by the princes or won by force by the people.

The university student Carl Schurz, Bonn, 18 March 1848; Reminiscences (1907). Schurz, like many other German insurgents, eventually went into exile in the United States, where he became a significant political figure. In 1850 he rescued Kinkel from prison in Berlin; the professor had been jailed after trying to engineer a revolutionary coup in Baden on 2 May 1849.

****

The Crown itself has thrown the earth upon its coffin.

Prince Bismarck on the king of Prussia, Frederick William IV, March 1848; A.J. Butler Bismarck, the Man and Statesman (1898) Vol.2, p.335. When the revolutionary ferment reached the Prussian capital, Berlin, demonstrators were shot down by royal troops on 18 March. Next day, the king stood to salute the bodies of the dead insurrectionists. The ultra-royalist Bismarck was appalled.

****

The dear Austrians! They are now pondering how they can unite themselves with Germany without uniting themselves with Germany! That will be hard to do - just as hard as if two people who wanted to kiss each other simultaneously wanted to turn their backs on one another.

The dramatist Friedrich Hebbel, 18 April 1848; Diaries Vol.2, p.299. The problem for Austria was this: how could its multinational empire be fused with a purely German empire? The non-German territories of Austria could not be brought into a German Reich, and if the German territories alone entered it, Austria as the entity it had been for over three centuries would cease to exist.

****

Liberalism is a disease ... Black is called white, darkness light, and the victims (convicts, galley-slaves, Sodomites, etc.) ... succumb to a sinful, Goddamned frenzy ... I know only one medicine for it: 'The Sign of the Cross on Breast and Forehead.'

Frederick William IV to Count Christian von Bunsen, 13 May 1848; Legge(1918) pp.354-5.

****

From its rising to its setting the sun shall look upon a beautiful, free Germany, and on the borders of the daughter-lands, as on the frontiers of their mother, no downtrodden, unfree people shall dwell; the rays of German freedom and German gentleness shall light and warm the French and Cossacks, the Bushman and Chinese.

The German composer Richard Wagner, speech to the Dresden branch of the Fatherland Society, 14 June 1848; Art and Politics (1895). An interesting declamation, considering what Germany did to France in 1870-71, 1914-18 and 1940-45; to Russia in 1914-18 and 1941 -5; to the tribes in its colony of Southwest Africa in the 1900s; and, as the self-proclaimed successors of Attila, in its Chinese concession of Shandong between 1898 and 1914.

****

It is universal anarchy, the world turned upside-down, divine madness made visible. The Old One must be shut away if this continues. This is the fault of the atheists who so greatly enraged Him.

Heinrich Heine to Campe, 3 July 1848; Letters Vol.22, p.287. A curious outburst from the long-time devotee of revolution. 'The Old One': God; Joachim Heinrich Campe was Heine's Hamburg publisher.

****

Let Russia, France or England try to interfere in our just cause! We will answer them with a million and a half armed men ... They will not dare ... because they know that ... this would generate a German national upsurge the like of which world history has not yet seen ... which could at the same time start an avalanche liable to destroy the thirty-four crowned heads of Germany and a great deal else that lies in its path.

Heinrich Simon in the Frankfurt parliament, 5 Sept. 1848; Franz Wizard (ed.) Stenographic Record of the German Constituent Assembly (1848) Vol.3, p. 1884. Simon was opposing the armistice ending the war between Prussia and Denmark over Schleswig-Holstein. The parliament met on 18 May to draft a constitution for a new German empire.

****

All the royal buildings are filled to the roof with soldiers. There are four to five hundred men in the Bank and in the Admiralty. In the halls, women hawkers are selling bread, brandy, sausages, and tobacco. In the evenings, the soldiers lounge around on the stair steps, so that you almost have to climb over them when you walk through the smoke-filled rooms. Even the Museum has been turned into a barracks.

Fanny Lewald, Berlin, 18 Nov. 1848; Lewis (1997) p. 148. This massive show of military strength ended the revolution in Prussia.

****

Gegen Demokraten, helfen nur Soldaten. (Only soldiers are any use against democrats.)

Wilhelm von Merkel, last line of a counter-revolutionary ballad, Die fiinfte Zunft (The Fifth Tribe), distributed in broadsheet form in 1848.

****

The crown which the Ottonians, the Hohen-staufen and the Habsburgs have worn, a Hohenstaufen can of course wear; it honours him superabundantly with the glitter of a thousand years. THE one, however, which you unfortunately mean, dishonours superabundantly with its carrion reek of the 1848 revolution, the most absurd, the most stupid and the worst, if not, God be praised, also the most evil thing of this century ... Should the thousand-year-old crown of the German nation, which has been in abeyance for 42 years, be given away again, then I am HE and my EQUALS, WHO WILL GIVE IT AWAY. Woe to him who usurps that to which he has no right.

Friedrich Wilhelm IV to Count von Bunsen, 13 Dec. 1848; Hagen Schulze The Course of German Nationalism (1991) p. 140. The king, confident now that the revolution in Prussia had been smashed by his forces, formally refused the crown of the German empire (formerly known as the Holy Roman Empire) when it was offered to him by the Frankfurt parliament on 3 April 1849. This was partly through deference to Austria,
but mainly because it was tainted, coming from a body born of the revolution. The Ottonian dynasty were emperors from 962; the Hohenstaufen (later rulers of Prussia) held the title from 1138; the Habsburgs (the ruling house of Austria) took it in 1273 and kept it until 1806.

 
 

RUSSIA: DAMAGE CONTROL

 

Gentlemen, saddle your horses! A republic has been declared in France!

Tsar Nicholas I, 5 March 1848; W. Bruce Lincoln Nicholas I (1978) p.281. Almost certainly apocryphal. On 6 March the tsar told the commanders of the Imperial Guards regiments: 'I give you my word that not one drop of Russian blood will be spilt on account of these worthless Frenchmen' (Lincoln (1978) pp.280-81). Compare the reaction of Catherine the Great to the French Revolution in 1792.

****

Louis-Philippe loses his usurped throne ... Thus the hand of God is clearly seen.

Tsar Nicholas I to Friedrich Wilhelm IV of Prussia, 7 March 1848; L.B. Namier /848: The Revolution of the Intellectuals (1944) p.38. Compare his reported comment on the burning down of the British Houses of Parliament in 1834: 'God's judgement on the Reform Bill.'

****

In France there is a Republic [under] a National Assembly and a council [including] Albert, a WORKER ... This is what we have come to! A repetition of the terrible events at the end of the last century.

Grand Duke Konstantin, diary entry, 5 March 1848; Lincoln (1978) p.279. In other words, a second French Revolution.

****

After a blessed peace of many years, the western part of Europe suddenly has been disturbed by the present troubles, threatening the overthrow of legitimate powers and the entire social order. At this very moment, this insolence, knowing no limits, threatens with its madness even Our Russia, entrusted to Us by God. But it will not succeed! Following the example of Our Orthodox ancestors, and invoking the help of Almighty God, We are ready to meet our enemies [and] We shall, in indissoluble union with Our Holy Russia, defend the honour of the Russian name and the inviolability of our frontiers.

Tsar Nicholas I, 26 March 1848; Lincoln (1978) p.287.

****

The soldiers will mutiny, orators will arouse the people to carnage, the rabble will pull down taverns, rape women, torture nobles ... The Caucasus will boil up like a cauldron ... and the Mongols ... will burst out of the steppes of Central Asia to the Volga and beyond.

The would-be revolutionary Alexander Balasoglo; J.P. Seddon The Petrashevsty (1965) p.208. An apocalyptic vision, no doubt shared, from the opposite perspective, by the tsar himself.

****

Awaken from your slumber, О Russian people! Your brothers: Germans, French, Italians, Austrians ... have already blazed the trail for you ... We are free: follow us!

Leaflet printed in Germany and distributed in Kiev, March 1848; Lincoln (1978) p.289.



Our main defence against a mass revolution lies in the fact that among us are neither the elements nor the instruments for it... because freedom of the press, popular representation, national guards, and things of that nature, are complete nonsense to nine-tenths of the Russian population.

The Russian Baron Korf; Lincoln (1978) p.271.



What remains standing in Europe? Great Britain and Russia! Would it not be natural to conclude from that that our close union is perhaps called on to save the world?

Tsar Nicholas I to Queen Victoria, 3 April 1848; The Letters of Queen Victoria Vol.2 (1911) p. 166.

****

Russia and the Revolution are the only two forces in Europe. The survival of the one will mean the extinction of the other. The political and religious future of mankind depends ... on the result of the struggle ... the greatest conflict that the world has ever seen. Russia is Christian and the Revolution is anti-Christian to the core ... Russia alone can defeat the Revolution, and not only will she defeat it, but she will benefit by it, for she will emancipate and unite under the tsar's sceptre all the Slav peoples whom the Revolution frees from the Austrian and Hungarian yoke. That is Russia's undoubted mission.

The poet (and imperial censor) Feodor Tyutchev to the tsar, July 1848; Lincoln (1978) p.251. Russia did act to smash the Hungarian rising in 1849, but Tyutchev's dream of a Pan-Slav crusade in central Europe was not to the likingof the tsar.

****

The sentence of death was read to us, we were all made to kiss the cross ... and we were told to don our white execution shirts. Then three of us were tied to the stakes in order to be shot... Then an
order from His Imperial Majesty was read which granted us our lives.

Feodor Dostoyevsky, 22 Dec. 1849; Lincoln (1978) p.310. The writer Dostoyevsky was one of a revolutionary circle arrested and personally interrogated by the tsar.

 
 

AFTERMATH

 

1848 was the turning point at which modern history failed to turn.

George Macaulay Trevelyan British History in the Nineteenth Century (1922) Ch.19.

****

A curse upon you, year of blood and madness, year of the triumph of meanness, beastliness, stupidity!
... What did you do, revolutionaries frightened of revolution, political tricksters, buffoons of liberty? ... Democracy can create nothing positive ... and therefore it has no future ... Socialism left a victor on the field of battle will inevitably be deformed into a commonplace bourgeois philistinism. Then a cry of denial will be wrung from the titanic breast of the revolutionary minority and the deadly battle will begin again ... We have wasted our spirit in the regions of the abstract and general, just as the monks let it wither in the world of prayer and contemplation.

Alexander Herzen From the Other Shore (1849).

****

If the revolutions of 1848 have clearly brought out any fact, it is the utter failure of newspaper statesmen. Everywhere they have been tried: everywhere they have shown great talents for intrigue, eloquence and agitation - how rarely have they shown even fair aptitude for ordinary administration.

The political commentator Walter Bagehot; Norman St John Stevas (ed.) The Collected Works of Walter Bagehot Vol.4 (1968) p.75. By 'newspaper statesmen' he meant academic theorists, out of their depth in the real world of politics.

****

From humanity via nationalism to inhumanity.

The Austrian poet, Franz Grillparzer, 1849.

****

Plus ca change, plus c'est la тёте chose. (The more things change, the more they stay the same.)

Alfonse Karr Les Guepes (The Wasps), Jan. 1849, p.305.

 
 

 
 
 
 
 

 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1848 Part I NEXT-1848 Part III