Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 
 

TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 

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1800 - 1899
 
 
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1840 Part IV NEXT-1841 Part II    
 
 
     
1840 - 1849
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840-1849
History at a Glance
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part I
Bebel August
Maximilian of Mexico
Carlota
Convention of London
British North America Act
Francia Jose Gaspar
Macdonald Jacques
William I of the Netherlands
William II of the Netherlands
Retour des cendres
Lambton John George
Vaillant Edouard-Marie
Sampson William
Smith William Sidney
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part II
Ridpath John Clark
Sankey Ira David
James Fenimore Cooper: "The Pathfinder"
Blunt Wilfrid Scawen
Broughton Rhoda
Robert Browning: "Sordello"
Daudet Alphonse
Alphonse Daudet
"Tartarin de Tarascon"
Dobson Austin
Hardy Thomas
Thomas Hardy 
"Tess of the d'Urbervilles"
Lemercier  Nepomucene
Lermontov: "A Hero of Our Times"
Modjeska Helena
Symonds John Addington
Verga Giovanni
Zola Emile
Emile Zola
"
J'accuse" (I accuse)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part III
Delacroix: "Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople"
Makart Hans
Hans Makart
Monet Claude
Claude Monet
Nasmyth Alexander
Alexander Nasmyth
Nast Thomas
Nelson's Column
Rodin Auguste
Auguste Rodin
Redon Odilon
Odilon Redon
Blechen Carl
Karl Blechen
Debain Alexandre-Francois
Donizetti: "La Fille du Regiment"
Haberl Franz Xaver
Tchaikovsky Peter Ilich
Tchaikovsky - The Seasons
Peter Ilich Tchaikovsky
Schneckenburger Max
Wilhelm Karl
"Die Wacht am Rhein"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1840 Part IV
Olbers Wilhelm
Blumenbach Johann Friedrich
Ball Robert
Kohlrausch Friedrich Wilhelm
Agassiz Louis
Basedow Carl Adolph
Graves disease
Maxim Hiram
Eyre Edward John
Brummell Beau
Father Damien
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew
Washington Temperance Society
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part I
Second Battle of Chuenpee
Barere Bertrand
Fisher John Arbuthnot
British Hong Kong
Luzzatti Luigi
Merriman John
Harrison William Henry
Tyler John
Espartero Baldomero
Hirobumi Ito
Clemenceau Georges
Edward VII
Creole case
Laurier Wilfrid
New Zealand
Lamb William
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part II
Cheyne Thomas Kelly
Ludwig Feuerbach: "The Essence of Christianity"
Holmes Oliver Wendell
Holst Hermann Eduard
Jebb Richard Claverhouse
Ward Lester Frank
Black William
Robert Browning: "Pippa Passes"
Buchanan Robert
Fenimore Cooper: "The Deerslayer"
Coquelin Benoit
Dickens: "The Old Curiosity Shop"
Ewing Juliana Horatia
Sill Edward Rowland
Frederick Marryat: "Masterman Ready"
Mendes Catulle
Mounet-Sully Jean
"Punch, or The London Charivari"
Sealsfield Charles
Scott Clement William
White Joseph Blanco
Ruskin: "The King of the Golden River"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part III
Chantrey Francis
Morisot Berthe
Berthe Morisot
Renoir Pierre-Auguste
Pierre-Auguste Renoir
Wagner Otto
Wallot Paul
Olivier Ferdinand
Johann Heinrich Ferdinand Olivier
Bazille Frederic
Frederic Bazille
Zandomeneghi Federico
Federico Zandomeneghi
Guillaumin Armand
Armand Guillaumin
Chabrier Emmanuel
Chabrier - Espana
Emmanuel Chabrier
Dibdin Thomas John
Dvorak Anton
Antonin Dvorak: Rusalka
Antonin Dvorak
Pedrell Felipe
Felip Pedrell: Els Pirineus
Felipe Pedrell
Rossini: "Stabat Mater"
Sax Antoine-Joseph
Schumann: Symphony No. 1
Sgambati Giovanni
Sgambati - Piano Concerto in G minor
Giovanni Sgambati
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1841 Part IV
Cooper Astley
Braid James
Hypnosis
Candolle Austin
Aniline
Kocher Emil Theodor
Kolliker Rudolf Albert
Petzval Joseph
Hudson William Henry
Warming Eugenius
Whitworth Joseph
Barnum's American Museum
Bradshaw George
Cook Thomas
Hyer Tom
"The New York Tribune"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part I
Pozzo di Borgo Charles-Andre
Las Cases Emmanuel
Webster-Ashburton Treaty
Treaty of Nanking
General Strike of 1842
O’Higgins Bernardo
Giolitti Giovanni
Fiske John
Hartmann Eduard
Hyndman Henry Mayers
James William
Kropotkin Peter Alekseyevich
Anarchism
Anarchism
Lavisse Ernest
Robertson George Croom
Sorel Albert
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part II
Banim John
Sue Eugene
Eugene Sue: "The Mysteries of Paris"
Bierce Ambrose
Brandes Georg
Bulwer-Lytton: "Zanoni"
Graham Maria
Coppee Francois
Cunningham Allan
Espronceda Jose
Gogol: "Dead Souls"
Howard Bronson
Lanier Sidney
Lover Samuel
MacKaye Steele
Maginn William
Mallarme Stephane
May Karl
Рое: "The Masque of the Red Death"
Quental Antero Tarquinio
Woodworth Samuel
Macaulay: "Lays of Ancient Rome"
Tupper Martin Farquhar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part III
Vereshchagin Vasily
Vasily Vereshchagin
Boldini Giovanni
Giovanni Boldini
Boito Arrigo
Arrigo Boito: Mefistofele Finale
Arrigo Boito
Glinka: "Russian and Ludmilla"
Hopkinson Joseph
"Hail, Columbia"
Lortzing: "Der Wildschiitz"
Massenet Jules
Massenet "Elegie"
Jules Massenet
Millocker Karl
Millocker: Gasparone
Karl Millocker
New York Philharmonic
Sullivan Arthur
Arthur Sullivan - The Mikado - Overture
Arthur Sullivan
Wagner: "Rienzi"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1842 Part IV
Dewar James
Doppler Christian Andreas
Flammarion Camille
Hansen Emile Christian
Long Crawford Williamson
Matthew Fontaine Maury
Charting the Ocean Depths
Mayer Julius Robert
Pelletier Pierre Joseph
Marshall Alfred
Strutt John William
Retzius Gustaf
Fremont John Charles
Darling Grace
Polka
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part I
McKinley William
Braga Teofilo
Wairau Affray
Dilke Charles
Avenarius Richard
Borrow George
Carlile Richard
Thomas Carlyle: "Past and Present"
Creighton Mandell
Liddell and Scott: "Greek-English Lexicon"
Liddell Henry
Scott Robert
Ward James
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part II
Bulwer-Lytton: "The Last of the Barons"
Elisabeth of Romania
Dickens: "Martin Chuzzlewit"
Doughty Charles Montagu
Dowden Edward
Emmett Daniel Decatur
Hood Thomas
Thomas Hood: "Song of the Shirt"
Horne Richard Hengist
James Henry
Rosegger Peter
Suttner Bertha
Harris George Washington
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part III
Allston Washington
Washington Allston
John Ruskin: "Modern Painters"
Trumbull John
John Trumbull
Werner Anton
Anton von Werner
Clairin Georges
Georges Clairin
Donizetti: "Don Pasquale"
Grieg Edward
Grieg - Solveig Song
Edward Grieg
Nilsson Christine
Patti Adelina
Richter Hans
Schumann: "Paradise and the Peri"
Wagner: "The Flying Dutchman"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1843 Part IV
British Archaeological Association
Chamberlin Thomas Chrowder
Ferrier David
Oliver Wendell Holmes: "The Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever"
Holmes Oliver Wendell
Joule James Prescott
Koch Robert
Erbium
Brunel Marc Isambard
Thames Tunnel
Dix Dorothea Lynde
Guy's, Kings and St. Thomas' Rugby Football Club
Sequoyah
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part I
Lowe Hudson
Drouet Jean-Baptiste
Oscar I of Sweden
Dole Sanford Ballard
Laffitte Jacques
Franco-Moroccan War
Polk James Knox
Herrera Jose Joaquin
Treaty of Wanghia
Breshkovsky Catherine
Comstock Anthony
Emerson: "Essays"
Grundtvig Nikolaj Frederik Severin
Hall Granville Stanley
Nietzsche Friedrich
Friedrich Nietzsche
Rice Edmund Ignatius
Riehl Alois
Stanley Arthur Penrhyn
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part II
Bernhardt Sarah
Sarah Bernhardt
Dumas, pere: "Le Comte de Monte Cristo"
Bridges Robert
Cable George Washington
Carte Richard
Cary Henry Francis
Disraeli: "Coningsby"
France Anatole
Hopkins Gerard Manley
Lang Andrew
Liliencron Detlev
O'Reilly John Boyle
O’Shaughnessy Arthur
Sterling John
William Thackeray: "Barry Lyndon"
Verlaine Paul
Paul Verlaine
"Poems"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part III
Eakins Thomas
Thomas Eakins
Ezekiel Moses Jacob
Moses Ezekiel
Luke Fildes Luke
Luke Fildes
Leibl Wilhelm
Wilhelm Leibl
Munkacsy Mihaly
Mihaly Munkacsy
Repin Ilya
Ilya Repin
Rousseau Henri
Henri Rousseau
Cassatt Mary
Mary Cassatt
Flotow: "Alessandro Stradella"
Mendelssohn: Violin Concerto in E minor
Rimsky-Korsakov Nikolay
The Best of Korsakov
Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov
Sarasate Pablo
Pablo de Sarasate - Zigeunerweisen
Pablo de Sarasate
Verdi: "Ernani"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1844 Part IV
Grassmann Hermann Gunther
Baily Francis
Boltzmann Ludwig Eduard
DeLong George Washington
Golgi Camillo
Kielmeyer Carl Friedrich
Kinglake Alexander William
Strasburger Eduard Adolf
Huc Evariste Regis
Gabet Joseph
Sturt Charles Napier
Leichhardt Friedrich
Beckford William
Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers
"Fliegende Blatter"
Hagenbeck Carl
Keller Friedrich Gottlob
Pasch Gustaf Erik
Young Men’s Christian Association
Williams George
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part I
Root Elihu
Texas
Florida
Flagstaff War
Ludwig II of Bavaria
First Anglo-Sikh War
Sonderbund
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part II
Friedrich Engels: "The Condition of the Working Class in England"
Stirner Max
Disraeli: "Sybil, or The Two Nations"
Hertz Henrik
Prosper Merimee: "Carmen"
Рое: "The Raven"
Spitteler Carl
Wergeland Henrik
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part III
Bode Wilhelm
Hill David Octavius
Ingres: The Comtesse d'Haussonville
Oberlander Adam Adolf
Crane Walter
Walter Crane
Faure Gabriel
Faure - Pavane
Gabriel Faure
Lortzing: "Undine"
Wagner: "Tannhauser"
Widor Charles-Marie
Widor - Piano Concerto No. 1
Charles Marie Widor
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1845 Part IV
Armstrong William George
Bigelow Erastus Brigham
Cayley Arthur
Cornell Ezra
Submarine communications cable
Heilmann Joshua
Humboldt: "Cosmos"
Kolbe Hermann
Laveran Alphonse
McNaught William
Metchnikoff Elie
Charting the Northwest
Layard Austen Henry
Cartwright Alexander
United States Naval Academy
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part I
Battle of Aliwal
Battle of Sobraon
Treaty of Lahore
Greater Poland Uprising
Krakow Uprising
Mexican-American War
Battle of Monterrey
First Battle of Tabasco
Iowa
Pasic Nikola
Evangelical Alliance
Eucken Rudolf Christoph
Pius IX
Whewell William
Young Brigham
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part II
Balzac: "La Cousine Bette"
De Amicis Edmondo
Dostoevsky: "Poor Folk"
Jokai Maurus
Lear Edward
Melville Herman
Herman Melville: "Typee"
Herman Melville
"Moby Dick or The Whale"
Sienkiewicz Henryk
George Watts: "Paolo and Francesca"
De Nittis Giuseppe
Giuseppe de Nittis
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1846 Part III
Berlioz: "Damnation de Faust"
Lortzing: "Der Waffenschmied"
Mendelssohn: "Elijah"
Deere John
Deere & Company
Henle Friedrich
Howe Elias
Waitz Theodor
Mohl Hugo
Green William Thomas
Sobrero Ascanio
Heaphy Charles
Brunner Thomas
Europeans in New Zealand
"The Daily News"
Horsley John Callcott
Smithsonian Institution
Zeiss Carl
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1847 Part I
Liberia
Second Battle of Tabasco
Battle of Churubusco
BATTLE OF MEXICO CITY
Hindenburg Paul
Sonderbund War
Beecher Henry Ward
Blanc Louis
Proudhon Pierre-Joseph
roudhon: "Philosophy of Poverty"P
Karl Marx: "The Poverty of Philosophy"
Salt Lake City
Charlotte Bronte: "Jane Eyre"
Bronte Emily
Marryat: "The Children of the New Forest"
Thackeray: "Vanity Fair"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1847 Part II
Hildebrand Adolf
Liebermann Max
Max Liebermann
Friedrich von Flotow: "Martha"
Verdi: "Macbeth"
Boole George
Edison Thomas Alva
Bell Alexander Graham
Semmelweis Ignaz Philipp
Colenso William
Factory Act of 1847
Fawcett Millicent
Siemens & Halske
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part I
Frederick VII
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
Revolutions of 1848
French Revolution of 1848
June Days Uprising
Cavaignac Louis-Eugene
French Constitution of 1848
French Second Republic
Revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire
Hungarian Revolution of 1848
Slovak Uprising 1848-1849
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-48 (part I)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part II
First Italian War of Independence
Skirmish of Pastrengo
Battle of Goito
Battle of Custoza
Revolutions of 1848 in the Italian states
Revolutions of 1848 in the German states
Revolution of 1848 in Luxembourg
Greater Poland Uprising
Moldavian Revolution of 1848
Pan-Slav Congress of 1848
Pan-Slavism
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-48 (part II)
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part III
Second Anglo-Sikh War
Nasr-ed-Din
Ibrahim Pasha
Abbas I
Wisconsin
Balfour Arthur James
Seneca Falls Convention
Stanton Elizabeth Cady
Delbruck Hans
Macaulay: "History of England"
"The Communist Manifesto"
John Mill: "Principles of Political Economy"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part IV
Augier Emile
Chateaubriand: "Memoires d'Outre-Tombe"
Dumas fils: "La Dame aux Camelias"
Gaskell Elizabet
Elizabeth Gaskell: "Mary Barton"
Murger Louis-Henri
Henri Murger: "Scenes de la vie de Boheme"
Terry Ellen
Surikov Vasily
Vasily Surikov
Uhde Fritz
Fritz von Uhde
Gauguin Paul
Paul Gauguin
Caillebotte Gustave
Gustave Caillebotte
Millais: "Ophelia"
Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1848 Part V
Parry Hubert Hastings
Jerusalem by Hubert Parry
Hubert Parry
Duparc Henri
Duparc Henri: "L'invitation au voyage"
Henri Duparc
Bottger Rudolf Christian
Parsons William
Frege Gottlob
"New Prussian Newspaper"
"Neue Rheinische Zeitung"
Grace William Gilbert
Kneipp Sebastian
Lilienthal Otto
Starr Belle
California Gold Rush
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part I
Battle of Chillianwala
Battle of Gujrat
Roman Republic on February 9, 1849
Battle of Novara
Victor Emmanuel II
Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione
Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione
Peace of Milan
Taylor Zachary
Dresden Rebellion of 1849
Surrender at Vilagos
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part II
Kemble John Mitchell
Key Ellen
Arnold Matthew
Dickens: "David Copperfield"
Kingsley Charles
Scribe: "Adrienne Lecouvreur"
Strindberg August
Smith Horace
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part III
Waterhouse John William
John William Waterhouse
John Ruskin: "The Seven Lamps of Architecture"
Carriere Eugene
Eugene Carriere
Liszt: "Tasso"
Meyerbeer: "Le Prophete"
Otto Nicolai: "The Merry Wives of Windsor"
Schumann: "Manfred"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1849 Part IV
Fizeau Armand
Frankland Edward
Livingstone David
Explorations of David Livingstone
Baines Thomas
"Who's Who"
Bedford College
Bloomer Amelia
Bloomers (clothing)
Stead William Thomas
 

 
 
 

The Nemesis (right background) destroying Chinese war junks in Anson's Bay (painted 1843)
 
 
 
 
 HISTORY, RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, ART, LITERATURE, MUSIC, SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, DAILY LIFE
 
 
 
 
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
 
 
 
1841 Part I
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Second Battle of Chuenpee
 
The Second Battle of Chuenpee was fought between British and Chinese forces at the Bocca Tigris, China, on 7 January 1841 during the First Opium War, and led to the British capturing forts on the islands of Chuenpee and Tycocktow. Subsequent negotiations between British Plenipotentiary Charles Elliot and Chinese Imperial Commissioner Qishan resulted in the Convention of Chuenpee. As one of the terms of the agreement, Elliot demanded the cession of Hong Kong Island to the British Empire.
 

British forces advancing in Chuenpee
 
 
Background
In October 1840, the Daoguang Emperor of the Qing dynasty fired Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu and replaced him with Qishan. British Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston instructed Plenipotentiary Charles Elliot to have the ports of Canton, Amoy, Fuzhou, Ningpo, and Shanghai opened for trade; to acquire the cession of at least one island (or if the Chinese refused, the establishment of a secure English enclave on the mainland), and to secure compensation for confiscated opium as well as military costs incurred in China. On 1 December 1840, Elliot wrote to Palmerston that these demands would be secured within ten days. Three days after the deadline, Elliot wrote to Governor-General of India Lord Auckland that he had failed to get the concessions, but still predicted success. He conceded to Auckland that any success would be "far short of the demands of the government."

In negotiations with Qishan, Elliot wanted $7 million over a period of six years and the surrender of Amoy and Chusan as permanent British possessions. Qishan offered $5 million over twelve years, so they agreed to $6 million. However, Qishan refused Elliot's territorial demands. Elliot countered with an offer to abandon Chusan (which the British captured in July 1840) and for another port to be chosen later in its place. After Qishan's rejection of this offer, Elliot told him, "There are very large forces collected here, and delays must breed amongst them a very great impatience." The year passed with no final settlements. An opium clipper that subsequently sailed into Canton brought with it a rumour that the emperor had decided to wage war. On 5 January 1841, Elliot prepared for an attack on Canton, informing Qishan that an attack would commence in two days if agreement could not be reached. He allowed Commodore James Bremer, commander-in-chief of the British forces, to make offensive operations.

  Battle
British operations began at 8:00 am on 7 January from Sampanchow Island, 3 miles (4.8 km) below the first Bocca Tigris forts. By 9:00 am, 504 Royal Marines, 33 Royal Artillery, 104 troops of the 26th and 49th regiments, 607 troops of the 37th Madras Native Infantry, 76 Bengal Volunteers, and 137 seamen from the Wellesley, Blenheim, and Melville landed unopposed 2 miles (3.2 km) below the Chuenpee Island artillery batteries.

An additional 30 seamen operated a 24 pound howitzer and two 6 pounder field guns. Major Thomas Simson Pratt of the 26th regiment commanded the land force of about 1,500 men. About 2,000 Chinese troops defended Chuenpee.

After advancing 1.5 miles (2.4 km), the British spotted the upper fort and an entrenchment comprising a deep ditch with surrounding breastwork. The Chinese cheered when they saw the British, waved their flags in defiance, and opened fire from the batteries.

In response the British cannons on the crest of the hill commenced firing. The Chinese then returned fire for about 20 minutes. The Queen and Nemesis steamers (under Captain Edward Belcher) fired shells into the upper fort while the Calliope, Hyacinth, and Larne ships (under Captain Thomas Herbert) attacked the lower fort.

In less than an hour, the combined bombardment silenced the Chinese batteries. By 10:00 am, the upper fort had been captured, and the lower fort surrounded and stormed by Royal Marines.

After the capture, Nemesis attacked a fleet of about 15 junks under Admiral Kuan T'ien-p'ei in Anson's Bay. The ship fired a Congreve rocket that struck a junk near the admiral. A British officer gave his account of the incident:
 
 

The very first rocket fired from the Nemesis was seen to enter the large junk ... and almost the instant afterwards it blew up with a terrific explosion, launching into eternity every soul on board, and pouring forth its blaze like the mighty rush of fire from a volcano. The instantaneous destruction of the huge body seemed appalling to both sides engaged. The smoke, and flame, and thunder of the explosion, with the broken fragments falling round, and even portions of dissevered bodies scattering as they fell, were enough to strike with awe, if not fear, the stoutest heart that looked upon it.

 

The Nemesis (right background) destroying Chinese war junks in Anson's Bay (painted 1843)
 
 
At about 11:30 am, the Chinese on board the junks hauled down their flags. Captain James Scott of the Samarang commanded the attack on Tycocktow Island (west of Chuenpee).] When the forts began firing on the British vessels at 10:20 am, the Samarang returned fire ten minutes later after anchoring 200 yards (180 m) away. The Modeste, Druid, and Columbine later anchored in succession. Scott reported that "in a few minutes, so destructive and well directed was the fire of our ships, that that of the enemy was silenced, with the exception of an occasional gun or two." At 11:20 am, the ships embarked their crewmen to storm the forts where the Chinese remained inside until driven out. The Chinese could not withstand the onslaught of British muskets during hand-to-hand combat. After capturing the forts, the Chinese guns were spiked and thrown into the river.

In total, 38 British were wounded while British sources put Chinese casualties and losses at between 500 and 600 killed, 200 to 300 wounded, 11 junks destroyed, and 191 artillery pieces captured. One hundred prisoners who laid down their arms were released the next day. According to Qing scholar Wei Yuan, Kuan sent Rear-Admiral Li T'ing-Yü to Canton to request more troops, which the "whole official body" supported except Qishan, who spent the night writing peace proposals.

 
 

Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in Anson's Bay
 
 
Aftermath
Elliot sent a Chinese prisoner to Kuan, with a letter explaining "the usages of civilized warfare" and that if the forts did not hoist their colours the following day, they would not be attacked. At 11:30 am on 8 January, British ships led by the Blenheim sailed up the Bocca Tigris. As they approached Anunghoy Island (north of Chuenpee), a boat rowed by an old woman displayed a white flag. A man from the ship was taken on board a British vessel to deliver a request from Kuan that hostilities be suspended for three days in order to contact Qishan. Cancellation of the attack order prompted Lieutenant John Ouchterlony to note that it "certainly created a feeling of great disappointment throughout the fleet." Elliot addressed the cancellation in a circular aboard the Wellesley: "A communication has been received from the Chinese commander-in-chief, which has led to an armistice, with the purpose to afford the high commissioner time to consider certain conditions now offered for his acceptance."

On 20 January, after the Convention of Chuenpee, Elliot announced "the conclusion of preliminary arrangements" between Qishan and himself. They involved the cession of Hong Kong Island to the United Kingdom, a $6 million indemnity payable to the British government, direct and equal ties between the countries, and trade in Canton to be opened within ten days following the Chinese new year. They also agreed to the restoration of Chuenpee and Tycocktow to the Chinese, and the evacuation of Chusan. On 26 January, the Union Flag was raised on Hong Kong, and Commodore Bremer took formal possession of the island, under a feu de joie from the marines and a royal salute from the anchored men-of-war. On 29 January, Elliot proclaimed that Chinese natives "shall be governed according to the laws and customs of China, every description of torture excepted" and that "all British subjects and foreigners residing, or resorting to the island of Hongkong, shall enjoy full security and protection, according to the principles and practice of British law".

  When the news reached the emperor, he ordered Qishan to be "degraded from his office" and to stand trial at the Board of Punishments. Qishan faced several charges including giving "the barbarians Hongkong as a dwelling place".

In his response, he claimed, "I pretended to do so from the mere force of circumstances, and to put them off for a time, but had no such serious intention." The court denounced him as a traitor and sentenced him to death.

He was imprisoned for several months, but at the end of 1841 he was allowed, without authority or rank, to deal with the British.

On 21 April 1841, Lord Palmerston wrote a letter of reprimand to Elliot and recalled him for not securing the earlier demands as ordered. Palmerston dismissed Hong Kong as "a barren island with hardly a house upon it." In May 1841 Henry Pottinger replaced Elliot as plenipotentiary .

Queen Victoria addressed the battle and Elliot's negotiations in a letter to her uncle, King Leopold I of Belgium, on 13 April 1841:

The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified at it. All we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot ... who completely disobeyed his instructions and tried to get the lowest terms he could. [...] The attack and storming of the [Chuenpee] Forts on the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense destruction of the Chinese took place. The accounts of the cruelty of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
see also: First Opium War (1839-1842)
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Barere Bertrand
 
Bertrand Barère, in full Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac (born September 10, 1755, Tarbes, France—died January 13, 1841, Tarbes), a leading member of the Committee of Public Safety that ruled Revolutionary France during the period of the Jacobin dictatorship (1793–94); his stringent policies against those suspected of royalist tendencies made him one of the most feared revolutionaries.
 

Portrait of Barère by Jean-Louis Laneuville
  Reared in a middle-class family of lawyers and ecclesiastics, Barère studied law at the University of Toulouse and in 1777 became a magistrate at Tarbes. Traveling to Paris in 1788, he came into contact with liberal and republican ideas and came to support suppression of local parlements and the creation of a popular national assembly. In 1789 Barère helped draw up the cahiers de doléances (list of grievances) of Bigorre, Tarbes, for which he served as deputy to the Estates-General. By autumn 1789 he had joined the Club of the Jacobins and was serving on the Committee on Domains, organized to dispose of crown property; he also edited a leading newspaper. Prominent in Paris by 1790, he supported Maximilien Robespierre and espoused a larger role for the Revolutionary government in 1791. After the mob attack on the Tuileries Palace (August 1792), he was in agreement with the imprisonment of King Louis XVI, and by 1793 he was an outspoken regicide.

In January 1793 Barère made his Report to the French Nation, supporting nationalism and war against the royalist powers of Europe as an extension of revolutionary principles. His political power reached its apex when he helped found the first Committee of Public Safety in April 1793, was elected its secretary, and formulated much of its propaganda on the “aristocratic conspiracy.” By August he supported the confiscation of émigrés’ estates, the expulsion of all Bourbon princes, the decree for mass conscription and a national army, and the Committee’s policy of absolute economic and diplomatic control.

 
 
The following spring he was appointed head of cultural propaganda.

After Robespierre’s execution in July 1794, Barère’s popularity diminished rapidly, and his arrest and deportation were ordered in 1795, although he escaped to Bordeaux. In 1799 Napoleon granted him amnesty and in 1803 made him “reporter of public opinion,” but, after the First Restoration of the Bourbon monarchy (1814), he shifted his loyalties to the crown. Elected deputy during Napoleon’s Hundred Days, he was placed on the police list after the Second Restoration in 1815 and was forced to flee to Belgium. He returned to Paris in 1830 and was elected to the general council of the Hautes-Pyrénées in 1833.

Barère’s Mémoires was published in four volumes in 1842–44.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Fisher John Arbuthnot
 

John Arbuthnot Fisher, 1st Baron Fisher, (born Jan. 25, 1841, Ceylon [now Sri Lanka]—died July 10, 1920, London), British admiral and first sea lord whose reforms between 1904 and 1910 ensured the dominance of the Royal Navy during World War I.

 

John Arbuthnot Fisher, 1st Baron Fisher
  Fisher entered the navy at age 13. He was a midshipman in the Crimean War and in China (1859–60), where he took part in the capture of Canton. Promoted to captain (1874), he commanded various ships and the gunnery school and took a prominent part in the bombardment of Alexandria (1882) as commander of the battleship Inflexible.

Fisher held the post of director of naval ordnance and torpedoes for five years and was appointed to the Admiralty board as third sea lord and controller of the navy in 1892; in this post he was responsible for the material efficiency of the fleet. Knighted in 1894, he became second sea lord in 1902 and first sea lord in 1904. During his tenure as first sea lord Fisher executed changes in the organization of the fleet, the administration of dockyards, ship construction, the development of submarines, the conversion of the navy’s ships from the use of coal to that of oil, and gunnery development. To counter the rapid expansion of the German navy, he reinforced the British naval forces in home waters and, by scrapping obsolete ships, released men to provide the nucleus of crews for ships in reserve. He was also responsible for the creation of the battleship Dreadnought, the prototype of the “all-big-gun ship” that revolutionized naval construction and was immediately copied by Germany. When the competition with the German navy became acute, he persuaded the British government to begin the construction of eight new battleships. He also created the lightly armoured Invincible-type battle cruisers, which carried heavy armaments but relied on speed for their protection.

 
 
In war these proved, however, to be outclassed by the heavily armoured German battle cruisers.

Created Baron Fisher of Kilverstone (1909), he retired in January 1910 and remained in retirement until October 1914, when he was recalled as first sea lord to serve under the first lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill. After the defeat of a British squadron by the German admiral Graf von Spee’s forces at the Battle of Coronel, off the coast of Chile, Fisher sent out the battle cruisers Invincible and Inflexible, which destroyed Spee’s squadron in the Battle of the Falkland Islands (Dec. 8, 1914).

Fisher’s career ended over his ambivalent attitude toward the Churchill-backed plan for a naval expedition through the Dardanelles, which was intended to land a force and capture the Turkish capital. When the campaign in the Dardanelles faltered, Fisher urged that it be abandoned, and when his views received no support from the British leadership, he resigned on May 15, 1915, in protest against Churchill’s conduct of the Admiralty. He then wrote two volumes of memoirs, Memories and Records, published in 1919.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
Britain's sovereignty proclaimed over Hong Kong
 
 
British Hong Kong
 

British Hong Kong (Chinese: 英屬香港; Jyutping: jing1 suk6 hoeng1 gong2) refers to Hong Kong as a Crown colony and later, a British Dependent Territory under British administration from 1841 to 1997 (excluding the Japanese occupation from 1941 to 1945)

 
Hong Kong, special administrative region (Pinyin: tebie xingzhengqu; Wade-Giles romanization: t’e-pieh hsing-cheng-ch’ü) of China, located to the east of the Pearl River (Xu Jiang) estuary on the south coast of China. The region is bordered by Guangdong province to the north and the South China Sea to the east, south, and west.
 
 
It consists of Hong Kong Island, originally ceded by China to Great Britain in 1842, the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula and Stonecutters (Ngong Shuen) Island (now joined to the mainland), ceded in 1860, and the New Territories, which include the mainland area lying largely to the north, together with 230 large and small offshore islands—all of which were leased from China for 99 years from 1898 to 1997. The Chinese-British joint declaration signed on December 19, 1984, paved the way for the entire territory to be returned to China, which occurred July 1, 1997.

The area of Hong Kong (Pinyin: Xianggang; Wade-Giles: Hsiang-kang) has expanded over the years, and it has continued to grow as more land has been reclaimed from the surrounding sea. Hong Kong Island and its adjacent islets have an area of only about 31 square miles (81 square km), while urban Kowloon, which includes the Kowloon Peninsula south of Boundary Street, and Stonecutters Island measure about 18 square miles (47 square km). The New Territories account for the rest of the area—more than 90 percent of the total. The Victoria urban district located on the barren rocks of the northwestern coast of Hong Kong Island is the place where the British first landed in 1841, and it has since been the centre of administrative and economic activities.

Hong Kong developed initially on the basis of its excellent natural harbour (its Chinese name means “fragrant harbour”) and the lucrative China trade, particularly opium dealing. It was the expansion of its territory, however, that provided labour and other resources necessary for sustained commercial growth that led to its becoming one of the world’s major trade and financial centres. The community remains limited in space and natural resources, and it faces persistent problems of overcrowding, trade fluctuations, and social and political unrest. Nevertheless, Hong Kong has emerged strong and prosperous, albeit with a changed role, as an entrepôt, a manufacturing and financial centre, and a vital agent in the trade and modernization of China.

  History

Early settlement

Archaeological remains of pottery, stone implements, rings, and bronzes found on more than 20 sites are evidence of settlements in Neolithic times. The earliest modern peoples in Hong Kong are thought to have come from North China in the 2nd millennium bce.

The Cantonese began to settle in the area about 100 bce; later came the Hakka, and by the mid-17th century the Hoklo had arrived. Hong Kong was the scene of the last struggles between the declining Ming dynasty and the rising Qing, led by the Manchu.

Before the British arrived in the mid-19th century, Hong Kong Island was inhabited only by a small fishing population, with few features to recommend it for settlement. It lacked fertile soil and fresh water, was mountainous, and was reputed to be a notorious haunt of pirates. But it was a relatively safe and undisturbed base for the British merchants who in 1821 began to use the fine harbour to anchor opium-carrying vessels.

The great commercial and strategic significance of this deep, sheltered harbour, possessing east and west entrances and lying on the main trade routes of the Far East, was quickly realized.

After the first Opium War (1839–42), Hong Kong Island was ceded to Britain by the Treaty of Nanjing. The British were never satisfied with an incomplete control of the harbour, however. Less than 20 years later, after the second Opium War (1856–60), China was forced to cede the Kowloon Peninsula south of what is now Boundary Street and Stonecutters Island by the Convention of Beijing (1860).

By the Convention of 1898, the New Territories together with 235 islands were leased to Britain for 99 years from July 1, 1898. With this expansion of territory, Hong Kong’s population leaped to 120,000 in 1861 and to more than 300,000 by the end of the century.

 
 
Events before and during World War II
Almost since its establishment, Hong Kong, more than any other treaty port, afforded a refuge for runaway persons and capital from China as well as an interim abode for rural emigrants destined for Southeast Asia and beyond. Such movements of Chinese people between China and Hong Kong were free and were highly responsive to the political and economic conditions in China. After the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, proponents of emerging nationalism sought to abolish all foreign treaty privileges in China. A boycott against foreign goods particularly hurt Britain, which was well established in China. The campaign soon spread to Hong Kong, where strikes in the 1920s caused agitation.

When the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, Hong Kong was once more a refuge, with thousands of Chinese fleeing to it before the advancing Japanese. With the outbreak of war in Europe in 1939, the position of the colony became more precarious, as it was now a target; the Japanese attacked and occupied Hong Kong in December 1941.

 
Map of Hong Kong
 
 
During the war years Hong Kong’s commerce was drastically impaired; food was scarce, and many residents fled to inland China. The population, which had numbered 1,600,000 in 1941, was reduced to about 650,000 by 1945 when the Japanese surrendered.
 
 
Contemporary Hong Kong
British troops returned to the city on Aug. 30, 1945, and civil government was reestablished in May 1946. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Chinese and foreigners returned, and they were soon joined by economic and political refugees from China, who were fleeing the civil war between the Nationalist and communist armies. The United Nations embargo in 1951 on trade with China and North Korea during the Korean War seriously curtailed the entrepôt trade, the lifeline of the colony, and for several years conditions were depressed. Hong Kong began its revival on the basis of light industries such as textiles, which were set up by immigrant capitalists and provided needed employment. These soon assumed their importance in the economy, providing as well the basis for further industrialization. But it was because much of the development depended on cheap labour, which toiled under extremely poor working conditions, that labour disputes and social discontent began to spread in the early 1960s. Severe riots broke out in Hong Kong and Kowloon in May 1967 following a labour dispute in a plastic-flower factory. The economic and social unrest was immediately turned into violent political demonstrations, largely inspired by followers of the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) in China.
When the situation stabilized toward the end of the 1960s, general working and living conditions were notably improved by labour legislation, large government housing projects, and extensive public works programs. 
 
The Big Buddha, on Lantau Island, Hong Kong
 
 
Simultaneously, high-technology industries such as electronics were developed, and the property and financial markets prospered until early 1973, when the stock market collapsed as billions of dollars were drained out of Hong Kong. From the mid-1970s the economy resumed its upward trend as relations with China improved.

In the late 1970s, concern about the future of Hong Kong began to loom large, as British jurisdiction over the leased areas of the New Territories neared the 1997 expiration date. Although the lease applied only to the New Territories, the Chinese government had consistently maintained that the whole of Hong Kong was Chinese territory and considered that the question of the earlier Hong Kong–British agreements came under the category of unequal treaties and also required resolution. Initial contacts between the two governments on the matter were made from March 1979, but formal negotiations did not start until after the visit of the British prime minister to Beijing in September 1982. Negotiations continued for two years. Finally, the Chinese-British joint declaration on the question of Hong Kong was formally signed by the heads of the two governments in Beijing on Dec. 19, 1984. The agreement stipulated that Hong Kong (including Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and the New Territories) would be recovered by China from July 1, 1997. There ensued a period of often difficult negotiations between Hong Kong and Beijing on the final wording of the document by which Hong Kong would be governed under Chinese sovereignty. Despite some reservations from Hong Kong, the National People’s Congress formally ratified the Basic Law on April 4, 1990, which took effect on July 1, 1997, and established the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region directly under the Chinese central government.

 
 

The Wong Tai Sin Temple
 
 
The years after reunification generally were prosperous, as Hong Kong’s economy experienced steady growth, despite its heavy dependence on global economic conditions. The already significant economic ties with the mainland increased even more dramatically than before reunification. In addition, major resources were devoted to improving the region’s transportation infrastructure, which included new bridges and roadways in addition to the new airport. Politically, there were sustained calls for democratic reforms to the Basic Law that, at times, included large demonstrations and pressure from opposition-party members in the Legislative Council (LegCo). By the 2004 legislative elections, Beijing was allowing half of the LegCo seats to be directly elected from geographic constituencies, with the other half selected from business and professional groups known as “functional constituencies.”

Hong Kong was hit hard by an outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003, which killed some 300 people there and 350 more on the mainland and, for a time, significantly reduced tourism in the region. However, the crisis soon passed, and tourism rebounded. Hong Kong was the venue for the equestrian events during the 2008 Olympic Games, and it hosted the 2009 East Asian Games.

Chi-Keung Leung

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
Luzzatti Luigi
 

Luigi Luzzatti (11 March 1841 – 29 March 1927) was an Italian political figure and served as the 31st Prime Minister of Italy between 1910 and 1911. He was Italy's second Jewish prime minister after Alessandro Fortis, though predecessor Sidney Sonnino was of partial Jewish ancestry.

He is remembered being the founder of the Italian credit union movement and for his book Dio nella libertà (God in Freedom), in which he advocates religious tolerance. This provoked an exchange of correspondence between him and Benedetto Croce.

 

Luigi Luzzatti
  Life
Luzzatti was born of Jewish parents in Venice on 11 March 1841. After completing his studies in law at the University of Padua, he attracted the attention of the Austrian police by his lectures on political economy, and was obliged to emigrate. In 1863 he obtained a professorship at the Milan Technical Institute; in 1867 he was appointed professor of constitutional law at Padua, whence he was transferred to the University of Rome. Gifted with eloquence and energy, he popularized in Italy the economic ideas of Franz Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch, worked for the establishment of a commercial college at Venice, and contributed to the spread of people's banks on a basis of limited liability throughout the country.

In 1869 he was appointed by Minghetti under secretary of state to the ministry of agriculture and commerce, in which capacity he abolished government control over commercial companies and promoted a state inquiry into the conditions of industry. Though theoretically a free trader, he was largely instrumental in creating the Italian protective system.

In 1877 he participated in the commercial negotiations with France, in 1878 compiled the Italian customs tariff, and subsequently took a leading part in the negotiations of all the commercial treaties between Italy and other countries. Appointed minister of the treasury in the first Di Rudinì cabinet of 1891, he imprudently abolished the system of frequent clearings of banknotes between the state banks, a measure which facilitated the duplication of part of the paper currency and hastened the bank crisis of 1893 and the resulting Banca Romana scandal.

 
 
In 1896 he entered the second Di Rudinì cabinet as minister of the treasury, and by timely legislation helped to save the bank of Naples from failure.

Following the revolt and suppression of the Fasci Siciliani (1891–1894), Luzzatti introduced two measures of social legislation in 1898. The industrial workmen’s compensation scheme from 1883 was made obligatory with the employer bearing all costs; and a voluntary fund for contributory disability and old age pensions was created.[2]

After his fall from office in June 1898, his principal achievement was the negotiation of the Franco-Italian commercial treaty, though, as deputy, journalist and professor, he continued to take an active part in all political and economic manifestations. He was again minister of the treasury from November 1903 to March 1905 in Giolitti's second administration, and for the third time from February to May 1906, under Sonnino's premiership. During the latter term of office he achieved the conversion of the Italian 5% debt (reduced to 4% by the tax) to 3¾% to be eventually lowered to 3½%, an operation which other ministers had attempted without success; although the actual conversion was not completed until after the fall of the cabinet of which he formed part the merit is entirely his. In 1907 he was president of the co-operative congress at Cremona.

He was minister of agriculture in the second Sonnino Cabinet (December 2, 1909 - March 21, 1910), and on the resignation of the latter was called upon to form a cabinet himself. His administration, which lasted until March 18, 1911, was not very successful. Although a man of first-class financial ability, great honesty and wide culture, he had not the strength of character necessary to lead a government: he showed lack of energy in dealing with opposition and tried to avoid all measures likely to make him unpopular. Furthermore, he never realized that with the chamber, as it was then constituted, he only held office at Giolitti's good pleasure.

During the First World War, he was consistently pro-Ally and strongly supported Italian intervention, but his tone was on the whole pessimistic. Although he did not take office while the war lasted, he was always consulted on all financial matters, and his sound advice was generally followed.

He became treasury minister in the second incarnation of the Nitti cabinet (March 12 - May 10, 1920), but did not resume office in the third. At the general elections of May 1921, he decided not to stand for parliament again, and was made a senator. In spite of his great age, he continued to write on economic and financial problems with his accustomed lucidity and soundness of judgment, insisting on the necessity for Italy to return to freedom of trade and to reduce government interference in business matters to a minimum.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Merriman John
 

John X. Merriman, in full John Xavier Merriman (born March 15, 1841, Street, Somerset, Eng.—died Aug. 1, 1926, near Stellenbosch, Union of South Africa), statesman who served as prime minister of the Cape Colony from 1908 to 1910.

 

John X. Merriman
  In 1849 Merriman moved with his family to Cape Colony. He was educated at the diocesan college, Rondebosch, and at Radley College in England. He returned to the Cape in 1861, engaged in land surveying, and later became a dealer in diamonds and a wine merchant.

Merriman’s chief interest, however, was politics. He served as a member of the Cape House of Assembly from 1869 to 1910 and as the commissioner of public works in two Cape ministries (1875–78 and 1881–84). He was an outspoken opponent of confederation in his early career and was also an advocate of Anglo-Boer cooperation. Merriman was a close friend of British financier Cecil Rhodes, who became Prime Minister of the Cape in 1890, and served as treasurer in his cabinet (1890–93). After the abortive Jameson Raid (Dec. 29, 1895) into the Transvaal, which Rhodes had been involved in, Merriman broke with Rhodes and became a vigorous opponent of the mining interests and British imperialism. He joined the ministry of Cape prime minister William Schreiner in 1898, again serving as treasurer. Merriman worked unsuccessfully to avert the South African War (1899–1902) and resigned in 1900 over his government’s harsh treatment of Cape rebels.

As a spokesman for the anti-imperialist English-speaking population with pro-Afrikaner sentiments, Merriman became the natural leader of the Cape Colony’s South African Party, which was founded in 1903.

 
 
Becoming prime minister in February 1908, he undertook the twofold mission of restoring the colony’s postwar finances and promoting a unitary constitution for a unified South Africa, comprising the Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State, and the Transvaal. He was a member of the delegation that took the Union Bill to London in 1909. Passed over for the premiership in the new Union of South Africa, a disappointed Merriman rejected Louis Botha’s offer to join his cabinet. As a private member of the Union Parliament, he supported the governments of Botha and Jan Smuts until he retired in 1924.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
Harrison William Henry
 

William Henry Harrison, (born February 9, 1773, Charles City county, Virginia [U.S.]—died April 4, 1841, Washington, D.C., U.S.), ninth president of the United States (1841), whose Indian campaigns, while he was a territorial governor and army officer, thrust him into the national limelight and led to his election in 1840. He was the oldest man, at age 67, ever elected president up to that time, the last president born under British rule, and the first to die in office—after only one month’s service. His grandson Benjamin Harrison was the 23rd president of the United States (1889–93). (For a discussion of the history and nature of the presidency, see presidency of the United States of America.)

 

Harrison in 1841; this is an early (circa 1850) photographic copy of an 1841 daguerreotype
  Early years
Born at Berkeley, a Virginia plantation, Harrison was descended from two wealthy and well-connected Virginia families. His father, Benjamin Harrison, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence and a member of the Continental Congress.

A brother, Carter Bassett Harrison, served six years in the House of Representatives. William Henry Harrison attended Hampden-Sydney College in 1787, then studied medicine in Richmond, Virginia, and in Philadelphia with Benjamin Rush.

At age 18 Harrison enlisted as an army officer, serving as an aide-de-camp to General Anthony Wayne, who was engaged in a struggle against the Northwest Indian Confederation over the westward encroachment of white settlers.
Harrison took part in the campaign that ended in the Battle of Fallen Timbers (August 20, 1794), near present-day Maumee, Ohio. The following year, on November 25, he married Anna Tuthill Symmes. As her father objected to the match, the couple married in secret.

In subsequent years Harrison held several government positions. President John Adams named Harrison secretary of the Northwest Territory, a vast tract of land encompassing most of the future states of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin, in 1798, and he was sent to Congress as a territorial delegate the following year.

 
 
In May 1800 Harrison was appointed governor of the newly created Indiana Territory, where, succumbing to the demands of land-hungry whites, he negotiated between 1802 and 1809 a number of treaties that stripped the Indians of that region of millions of acres. Resisting this expansionism, the Shawnee intertribal leader Tecumseh organized an Indian uprising. Returning to military service, Harrison led a force of seasoned regulars and militia that defeated the Indians at the Battle of Tippecanoe (November 7, 1811), near present-day Lafayette, Indiana, a victory that largely established his military reputation in the public mind. A few months after the War of 1812 broke out with Great Britain, Harrison was made a brigadier general and placed in command of all federal forces in the Northwest Territory. On October 5, 1813, troops under his command decisively defeated the British and their Indian allies at the Battle of the Thames, in Ontario, Canada. Tecumseh was killed in the battle, and the British-Indian alliance was permanently destroyed; thus ended resistance in the Northwest.
 
 
Political career
After the war, Harrison settled in Ohio, where he quickly became active in politics. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives (1816–19), the Ohio Senate (1819–21), and the U.S. Senate (1825–28) and as minister to Colombia (1828–29). In 1836 he was one of three presidential candidates of the splintered Whig Party, but he lost the election to Democrat Martin Van Buren. Nonetheless, his popular-vote totals were large enough to encourage him to make another attempt. In 1840 Harrison won the Whig nomination over Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky, largely because of his military record and his noncommittal political views.

In Harrison the Whigs believed they had found a new Andrew Jackson, attractive as a war hero and a frontiersman. He became, as a result, the first “packaged” presidential candidate, depicted as a simple soul from the backwoods. To pull in Southern Democrats, the Whigs nominated John Tyler of Virginia for vice president. Capitalizing on voters’ distress over the severe economic depression caused by the panic of 1837, the campaign deliberately avoided discussion of national issues and substituted political songs, partisan slogans, and appropriate insignia: miniature log cabins and jugs of hard cider were widely distributed to emphasize Harrison’s frontier identification, and the cry of “Tippecanoe and Tyler too” rang throughout the land, calling up Harrison’s dramatic triumph on the field of battle 29 years earlier. These appeals triumphed, with Harrison winning 234 electoral votes to incumbent Martin Van Buren’s 60.

  Presidency
Harrison was the first president-elect to travel by railroad to Washington, D.C., for his inauguration. Wearing no gloves and no overcoat despite the freezing weather, he rode up Pennsylvania Avenue on a white horse to take the oath of office on March 4, 1841. It was said that he was as pleased with the presidency “as a young woman with a new bonnet.”

In the cold drizzle he delivered an inaugural address that lasted almost two hours. In it he highlighted a common Whig concern—“executive usurpation”—and reconfirmed his belief in a limited role for the U.S. president. He said he would serve but one term, limit his use of the veto, and leave revenue schemes to Congress. The address was circulated to some parts of the country by railroad; for the first time, people outside Washington could read the president’s words the same day they were uttered.

Harrison was soon overwhelmed by office seekers. He was thoroughly dominated by the better-known leaders of his party—Daniel Webster, whom he appointed secretary of state, and Henry Clay. His relations with Clay were embittered, as Clay then preferred to wield power as leader of the Whigs in Congress. Once when Clay was pressing his opinions on him, Harrison responded, “Mr. Clay, you forget that I am president.” Harrison tried to do everything expected of him, even trudging around Washington to purchase supplies for the White House. But a cold he had contracted on inauguration day developed into pneumonia, and he died just a month later.

 
 
His wife, Anna, who was recovering from an illness, had not yet traveled to Washington; the couple’s widowed daughter-in-law, Jane Irwin Harrison, was performing the duties of first lady in her absence. Anna was packing her belongings for the journey when she learned of her husband’s death, which brought “His Accidency,” John Tyler, to the presidency. The first president to lie in state in the Capitol, Harrison was buried in Washington. Two months later, in June, his remains were reinterred in North Bend, Ohio.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
John Tyler, vice president, succeeds William H. Harrison to become tenth President of the U.S.
 
 
Tyler John
 

John Tyler, (born March 29, 1790, Charles City county, Virginia, U.S.—died January 18, 1862, Richmond), 10th president of the United States (1841–45), who took office upon the death of Pres. William Henry Harrison. A maverick Democrat who refused allegiance to the program of party leader Andrew Jackson, Tyler was rejected in office by both the Democratic Party and the Whig Party and functioned as a political independent. (For a discussion of the history and nature of the presidency, see presidency of the United States of America.)

 

John Tyler
  Early life and career
Tyler was the son of John Tyler, member of the Virginia House of Delegates during the American Revolution and later governor of Virginia, and Mary Armistead. After graduating from the College of William and Mary in 1807, young Tyler studied law with his father, gaining admission to the bar in 1809. He married his first wife, Letitia Christian, on his 23rd birthday in 1813.

His political career began in the Virginia legislature, where he served from 1811 to 1816, 1823 to 1825, and in 1839. He served as United States representative (1817–21), as state governor (1825–27), and as United States senator (1827–36). His service in Washington was marked by his consistent support of states’ rights and his strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution. While in the Senate, Tyler—who was a slaveholder—sought to prohibit the slave trade in the District of Columbia but opposed its abolition there without the consent of Maryland and Virginia. He voted against the protective tariffs of 1828 and 1832 but also condemned South Carolina’s attempted nullification of these measures.

In an unusual show of independence, Tyler resigned from the Senate in 1836 rather than yield to his state legislature’s instructions to reverse his vote on Senate resolutions censuring President Jackson for removal of deposits from the Bank of the United States. This anti-Jackson stand endeared Tyler to the opposition Whig Party, which in 1840 nominated him for the vice presidency in an effort to attract Southern support.

 
 
Harrison and Tyler defeated the Democratic incumbents Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson after a campaign that sedulously avoided the issues and stressed innocuous party insignia and the slogan “Tippecanoe and Tyler too!” (the former referring to the river in Indiana where Harrison defeated the Shawnee Indians in 1811).
 
 
Succession to the presidency
President Harrison’s sudden death, only one month after his inauguration, created a constitutional crisis. Because the Constitution was silent on the matter, it was unclear whether, upon the death of a president, the vice president would become president or merely “vice president acting as president,” as John Quincy Adams maintained at the time. Defying his opponents, who dubbed him “His Accidency,” Tyler decided that he was president and moved into the White House, thereby establishing a precedent that was never successfully challenged.

After Tyler vetoed two bills aimed at reestablishing a national bank, all but one member, Secretary of State Daniel Webster, of the cabinet Tyler inherited from Harrison resigned, and two days later he was formally ostracized by congressional Whigs.

Tyler was now a president without a party. Nevertheless, his administration managed to accomplish a great deal. It reorganized the navy, established the United States Weather Bureau, brought an end to the Second Seminole War (1835–42) in Florida, and put down the rebellion (1842) led by Thomas Dorr against the state government of Rhode Island.

  Tyler’s wife Letitia Christian Tyler died in 1842, the first president’s wife to die in the White House. Tyler married Julia Gardiner (Julia Tyler) in 1844, thus becoming the first president to marry while in office.
Having been rejected by the Whigs and finding only lukewarm support among the Democrats, Tyler entered the presidential election of 1844 as the candidate of his own party, which he created from a core of loyal appointees. His candidacy attracted little support, however, and in August 1844 he withdrew in favour of the Democratic nominee, James K. Polk.

After leaving office, Tyler continued to take an active interest in public affairs and remained a strong champion of Southern interests. However, on the eve of the Civil War he stood firmly against secession and worked to preserve the Union. Early in 1861 he presided over the Washington Peace Conference, an abortive effort to resolve sectional differences. When the Senate rejected the proposals of the conference, he relinquished all hope of saving the Union and returned to Virginia, where he served as a delegate to the Virginia Secession Convention. Shortly before his death Tyler was elected to the Confederate House of Representatives.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1841
 
 
General Baldomero Espartero becomes Regent of Spain
 
 
Espartero Baldomero
 

Baldomero Espartero, prince de Vergara, also called (from 1839) duque de la Victoria or (from 1837) conde de Luchana, byname The Peacemaker of Spain, Spanish El Pacificador de España (born February 27, 1793, Granátula, Spain—died January 8, 1879, Logroño), Spanish general and statesman, victor in the First Carlist War, and regent.

 

Baldomero Espartero, prince de Vergara,
1841
  The son of working-class parents, Espartero entered the army at age 15 and fought with Spanish forces in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars and in the rebellious Americas. On the death of Ferdinand VII he showed himself a strong supporter of the queen regent María Cristina and enthusiastically joined the forces opposed to Don Carlos (Carlos María Isidro de Borbón). He was made commander in chief and, for his victory over the Carlists at the Battle of Luchana (December 1836), was named conde de Luchana. Later he opened up the negotiations that led to the Convention of Vergara (1839) and ended the civil war. This success earned Espartero the popular sobriquet “the Peacemaker of Spain” and the title duque de la Victoria. He had begun to dabble in politics in 1836; on his return to Madrid (1840) he became head of the government and selected a cabinet of ministers who agreed with his progressive ideas. María Cristina preferred to resign the regency (October 1840) rather than accept his program of reforms. Espartero was then himself appointed regent by the Cortes (May 1841), or Spanish parliament.

Espartero’s regency revealed his faulty understanding of politics. The Progressive Party was not united, and when Agustín Argüelles was appointed tutor to young Isabella II by the Cortes, María Cristina’s protests from Paris gained the support of the moderates. Generals Concha and Diego de Léon attempted to seize Isabella in September 1841, and the severity with which Espartero crushed their rebellion made his government unpopular. He put down a revolt in Barcelona in 1842 by bombarding the city.

 
 
A republican revolt in 1842 was put down with equal harshness. In 1843 Generals Ramón Narváez and Francisco Serrano rose against Espartero and obliged him to flee to England, where he lived until 1849, when he returned to Spain and lived in retirement at Logroño.

Espartero made his reappearance in politics in 1854 to share control of the government with General Leopoldo O’Donnell during the so-called bienio progresista (the progressive biennium). He resigned in 1856 but remained a leader of the Progressive Party until he retired in 1864. He was nominated for the vacant throne following the revolution of 1868, and later he was offered the presidency of the First Republic. Subsequently, he was awarded the title príncipe de Vergara, together with the style of royal highness, by King Amadeus.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
Hirobumi Ito
 

Ito Hirobumi, in full (from 1907) Kōshaku (Duke [or Prince]) Itō Hirobumi, original name Toshisuke (born October 14, 1841, Suō province [now in Yamaguchi prefecture], Japan—died October 26, 1909, Harbin, Manchuria, China), Japanese elder statesman (genro) and premier (1885–88, 1892–96, 1898, 1900–01), who played a crucial role in building modern Japan. He helped draft the Meiji constitution (1889) and brought about the establishment of a bicameral national Diet (1890). He was created a marquess in 1884 and a duke (or prince) in 1907.

 
Early career
Itō’s father was an adopted son of a modest samurai (warrior) family in the Chōshū domain of western Japan, and Itō grew up amid convulsive political conditions surrounding the decline of the Tokugawa shogunate—which had governed Japan since 1603—and the rise of Western influence in the country. He played a minor role in the events leading to the Meiji Restoration (1868), the movement that overthrew the shogunate and reestablished the formal ruling authority of the emperor. This brought him into contact with men like Kido Takayoshi, who was to become one of the great leaders of early Meiji Japan and who was Itō’s most important mentor in those years.

Itō’s talents were apparent even before the restoration, and the leaders of Chōshū sent him to England (along with his friend Inoue Kaoru) to study Western naval science (1863). His connections with Kido and Ōkubo Toshimichi, the other giant of early Meiji Japan, enabled him to undertake government assignments to the United States and the Iwakura Mission to Europe (1870, 1871–73) to study and work on matters as diverse as taxation and budgetary systems and treaty revision.

 
 

Ito Hirobumi
  Rise to power
His political career changed decisively when Ōkubo, the most powerful man in the government, was assassinated in 1878, and Itō succeeded him as minister of home affairs. His advancement brought him into conflict with the equally talented and ambitious statesman Ōkuma Shigenobu. In a series of masterful political strokes, Itō forced Ōkuma and his supporters out of the government in 1881 and persuaded the government to adopt a constitution; by 1889 the emperor had proclaimed it, and in 1890 the national Diet was established.

Preparations for constitutional government were made with utmost seriousness. Itō, by then the most important person in the Meiji government, and other officials spent nearly one and a half years (1882–83) in Europe, notably in Germany, studying under leading constitutional scholars. The Meiji constitution, Itō’s greatest handiwork, has been criticized for perpetuating authoritarian rule because the guarantees of civil rights and the Diet’s powers were hedged by restrictions.

Actually, given the Meiji leaders’ samurai background and the tense domestic and foreign problems they faced, the unprecedented acknowledgment in writing of basic rights and the establishment of the Diet were progressive and enlightened acts. It should also be noted that neither Itō nor any of the Meiji leaders ever pointed to these tensions and difficulties as an excuse for reverting to tight authoritarian control.

 
 
Itō’s preeminence continued in the 1890s. In mid decade, as prime minister, he helped Japan attain two important successes. The first was an agreement with Great Britain (signed in 1894) for doing away with extraterritoriality by 1899 (i.e., from that date British nationals in Japan would be subject to Japanese law). That pact was followed by others with other major Western countries. The second achievement was Japan’s victory over China in 1895; both accomplishments were among the first clear signs that Japan, alone among non-Western countries, had achieved success in modernization and a weightier role in East Asian affairs.

Domestically, Itō did not fare as well. He had felt, along with other genro, that party politicians were incapable of dealing dispassionately with Japan’s welfare and destiny; and, indeed, the powers guaranteed by the Meiji constitution enabled the political parties to impede government programs in the Diet.
 
 
Itō unhappily, but with characteristic flexibility, continually worked out compromises with the parties until by 1900 no cabinet could be formed without their tacit consent. From the start the parties had been cooperating with the government in return for cabinet positions and laws favouring party growth. Itō made one last move to salvage the situation by leaving the government and forming the Rikken Seiyūkai (“Friends of Constitutional Government”), which he based on an older antigovernment party, the Kenseitō (“Constitutional Association”). The Seiyūkai became the first party to control an absolute majority in the House of Representatives during a Diet session, which led Itō to believe that he had finally created the right conditions for smooth passage of government programs. He did not count on the obstructive tactics of the House of Peers, however, whose conservative members were unhappy with Itō’s alliance with the parties. Ironically, Itō had originally created the House of Peers to balance what he considered the less-than-responsible House of Representatives. Finally, embittered with the knowledge that dealing with party members, each with his own constituency to answer to, was infinitely more difficult and distasteful than working with a handful of genro, all of the same background and inspiration, he resigned as president of the Rikken Seiyūkai in 1903. But Itō paid for having broken genro ranks; soon afterward Yamagata Aritomo, founder of the modern Japanese army, became the leading power among the powerful genro.

Itō’s legacy, however, cannot be denied, for he made cooperation between high-ranking bureaucrats and party politicians respectable, which provided an alternative to the unremitting and unproductive polarization of these two groups. Moreover, the continued commitment of the other genro to the Meiji constitution made party growth inevitable.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
Letter of Ito Hirobumi
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Clemenceau Georges
 

Georges Clemenceau, byname The Tiger, French Le Tigre (born September 28, 1841, Mouilleron-en-Pareds, France—died November 24, 1929, Paris), statesman and journalist who was a dominant figure in the French Third Republic and, as premier (1917–20), a major contributor to the Allied victory in World War I and a framer of the postwar Treaty of Versailles.

 

Georges Clemenceau
  Early life
Clemenceau was born in Vendée, a coastal département of western France. His youth was spent among peasants, but it was his father, Benjamin, a Voltairean, positivist, and admirer of the Revolution of 1789, who shaped him and remained his model. Through his father he met men who were plotting to overthrow the emperor Napoleon III and came to know the historian Jules Michelet, who was being hunted by the imperial police. Benjamin was arrested briefly in 1858. Three years later (November 1861), he took Georges to Paris to study medicine.

In the Latin Quarter, Clemenceau associated with young men of the republican opposition, who created an avant-garde association named Agis Comme Tu Penses (Act as You Think). Clemenceau, with some friends, founded a journal, Le Travail (“Work”), which set forth the views that were to characterize his future political action. It was seized by the police, and, because of an advertisement inviting the workers of Paris to commemorate the 14th anniversary of the Revolution of 1848, Clemenceau was imprisoned for 73 days. Upon his release, he started a new paper, Le Matin (“Morning”), which was in turn seized by the authorities.

Having completed his studies, Clemenceau left for the United States, where he was to spend most of the next four years (1865–69). He reached New York City at the height of the Civil War.

 
 
He was struck by the freedom of discussion and expression, unknown in France at the time, and he had great admiration for the politicians who were forging American democracy. When his father refused to continue financial aid, he taught in a girls’ school in Stamford, Connecticut. In due course, despite the opposition of her guardian, he married one of his pupils, Mary Plummer, in 1869. Three children were born of this union, but the couple separated after seven years.
 
 

Portrait of Clemenceau by Édouard Manet,
c. 1879–80
  Early political career
Five days after his marriage, Clemenceau returned to France and established himself as a doctor in Vendée. But politics soon took him back to Paris. In July 1870, Napoleon III declared war on Germany. Less than two months later, the French were defeated at Sedan and the empire collapsed. Clemenceau was among the crowd that invaded the Palais-Bourbon on September 4 and hailed the radical leader Léon Gambetta, who was proclaiming the republic. Soon afterward, Clemenceau was named mayor of the 18th arrondissement (district) of Paris (Montmartre) and, on February 8, 1871, was elected as a Radical Republican deputy to represent the Seine département in the National Assembly held in Bordeaux. He voted against the preliminaries of the harsh peace terms demanded by Germany and left Bordeaux determined to avenge France’s “shameful humiliation.” Back in Paris, he became involved in the insurrection known as the Paris Commune and tried to mediate between its leaders and the National Assembly, then meeting at Versailles.
He was not successful and, therefore, resigned as mayor and deputy (March 27, 1871). In 1876 he stood again for the Chamber of Deputies and was elected for the 18th arrondissement. He joined the extreme left, and his energy and mordant eloquence speedily made him the leader of the Radical bloc. In 1877, in the constitutional crisis precipitated on le seize mai (May 16), when Pres. Patrice MacMahon attempted to make the government responsible to him rather than to the National Assembly, Clemenceau took a leading part in resisting such antirepublican policy.
 
 
In 1880 he started his newspaper, La Justice, which became the principal organ of the Radicals in Paris; from that time onward, throughout the presidency (1879–87) of Jules Grévy, he rapidly built up his reputation as a political critic of republicans and radicals as well as of conservatives and as a destroyer of ministries who would not, however, take office himself. Hostile to the colonial expansion that was dispersing the resources of a weakened France, he mercilessly attacked its promoters, and in 1885 his use of a minor reverse in Tongking (Indochina; now Vietnam) was the principal factor in the fall of Jules Ferry’s cabinet. At the elections of 1885, he was returned both for his old seat in Paris and for the département of Var, for which he chose to sit. Refusing to form a ministry himself, because he could not command a majority in the Senate, he supported the government of Charles de Freycinet in 1886 and was responsible for the inclusion in the cabinet of Gen. Georges Boulanger as minister of war. Clemenceau had mistakenly imagined Boulanger to be a republican, but when he showed himself an irresponsible demagogue and nationalist, a focus for both Bonapartist and monarchist support, Clemenceau became a vigorous opponent of the Boulangist movement and helped to form the League of the Rights of Man to press for radical reforms.
 
 
By his share in the exposure of President Grévy’s son-in-law for trafficking in honours, Clemenceau caused the resignation of another prime minister, Maurice Rouvier, in 1887. Yet he refused Grévy’s request that he form a ministry and intrigued to keep various other leaders out of office. His destructive political power won him an ever-increasing number of enemies, and his implication in the scandal of 1892, caused by the failure of the French Panama Canal Company (Compagnie Universelle du Canal Interocéanique), gave them all—especially the Boulangists—an unrivalled opportunity for revenge. Clemenceau’s associations with the Jewish financier Cornélius Herz, who was deeply involved in the affair, inevitably threw suspicion on him; later he was accused of being in the pay of the British Foreign Office. The attack on Clemenceau was mounted in the powerful daily newspaper, Le Petit Journal; it took a dramatic turn when, in the Chamber of Deputies on December 20, 1892, the author and Boulangist Paul Déroulède denounced him as the protégé and supporter of Herz. Clemenceau claimed that Déroulède was lying and challenged him to a duel, in which neither was hurt. More effectively, Clemenceau brought a successful lawsuit against his detractors. Their condemnation forced some of them to resign as deputies, but in the end they took Clemenceau with them. All the accumulated venom he had aroused was concentrated in the election of 1893 when, standing again for the Var département, Clemenceau was attacked on all sides. Despite conducting an exhaustive and brilliant campaign, he was defeated. But Clemenceau was too much of a fighter to give in to discouragement. He started upon a serious career in journalism and, after a difficult beginning, came to be classed among the foremost political writers of his time.  
Duel between Georges Clemenceau and
Paul Déroulède
 
 
A new Clemenceau was revealed: a man of reflection, of vast culture, a friend of the best known writers and artists of the period. An ardent supporter of the Impressionists, he especially favoured the work of Monet: after World War I he arranged for a series of Monet’s paintings to be exhibited in the Orangerie in the Tuileries Gardens.

At the same time, Clemenceau was writing books, mainly political and sociological, but his Au pied du Sinaï (At the Foot of Mount Sinai, 1922), illustrated by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, was a volume of sketches on the history of the Jewish people. He also tried his hand at writing a play.

He was, however, essentially a journalist and inevitably wrote much about the Dreyfus case, which agitated France from 1894 to 1906. At first Clemenceau had assumed that the young Jewish officer Alfred Dreyfus had, indeed, been guilty of selling secrets to Germany. But, once convinced of his innocence, Clemenceau carried on an eight-year battle (1897–1905) in his newspapers La Justice and L’Aurore (founded in 1897). Clemenceau’s support for Dreyfus brought him back into favour with his fellow republicans, and he was prevailed upon to accept election as senator for Var in April 1902.

This election was of vital importance in the political career of Clemenceau. He remained a senator from Var until 1920, the year in which he voluntarily ended his political activity. It was as senator that he was to show his greatest qualities as a statesman. He became a member of the cabinet in 1906 as interior minister and was premier from 1906 to 1909. Finally, in 1917, after three years of World War I, when France’s morale and resources were at their lowest ebb, he accepted Pres. Raymond Poincaré’s invitation to head the war government (1917–20). His steadfast and ruthless pursuit of war brought him the title “Father of Victory.”

As minister of the interior, Clemenceau faced difficult problems, notably the enforcement of the new law (1905) separating church and state, as well as serious labour problems. When a strike of miners in the Pas-de-Calais led to a threat of disorder in 1906, he resolved to employ the military. His attitude in this matter alienated the Socialist Party, from which he definitely broke in a notable speech. It marked him, however, as the “strong man” of the day in French politics, and, when the ministry of Ferdinand Sarrien resigned in October 1906, Clemenceau became premier. During 1907 and 1908 the new entente with England was cemented. In Morocco, a dispute between France and Germany over the harbouring in the German consulate of German deserters from the French Foreign Legion brought renewed tension between the two countries. Austria-Hungary urged calmness on the Germans, and in February 1909 a joint agreement was signed, recognizing the economic interests of Germany and the special political interests of France in Morocco. The Clemenceau government fell on July 20, 1909, Clemenceau resigning after a violent and unexpected argument with the influential statesman Théophile Delcassé.

Freed from the responsibilities of power, Clemenceau travelled abroad. He took advantage of this opportunity to make speeches in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil on the subject of democracy. “I am a soldier of democracy,” he said. “It is the only form of government which can establish equality for all, and which can bring closer the ultimate goals: freedom and justice.”

 
 

Clemenceau as Prime Minister of France
  Leadership during World War I
Back in the Senate (1911), Clemenceau became a member of its commissions for foreign affairs and the army. He was convinced that Germany intended war, and, haunted by the fear that France might again be caught unprepared, he enquired diligently into the state of France’s armaments. In order to publicize his views on rearmament, he founded in May 1913 a new daily paper, L’Homme Libre, with himself as editor.

When World War I broke out in July 1914, the partisan in him gave way to the patriot, who called upon every Frenchman to join the fray. L’Homme Libre suffered at the hands of the censors for Clemenceau’s plain speaking and, in September 1914, was suppressed. Two days later, however, it reappeared entitled L’Homme Enchaîné, and, although at first it was subjected to much cutting, later excisions became rare.

Meanwhile, in the Senate Clemenceau agitated for more and more guns, munitions, and soldiers, for judicious use of the available manpower, and for a better organized and equipped medical service. Deeply concerned about the attitude of the United States to the war, he sent urgent appeals to the American public and to Pres. Woodrow Wilson and was overjoyed at the United States’ entry into the war in April 1917.

Above all, Clemenceau strove to create an indomitable “will to victory.” As the war dragged on, weariness, slackness, and pacifism began to appear. He was the first to draw public attention to such insidious perils.

 
 
In these difficult conditions, President Poincaré, in November 1917, called upon Clemenceau to form a government. Though he was 76 years of age, he formed his cabinet with himself as minister of war as well as premier. Clemenceau’s single purpose was to win the war, and to this aim all other interests were subordinated. For traitors and defeatists he had no clemency. The hope of victory urged him on. Yet he was obsessed with the need for a unified military command and was able ultimately to convert to his viewpoint the allied governments and military leaders. In March 1918, Ferdinand Foch was designated sole commander. Despite disasters in May 1918, Clemenceau’s resolve remained unshaken, and he declared that he would wage war “to the last quarter hour, for the last quarter hour will be ours.”
 
 

Clemenceau in his office
 
 
Negotiation of the Peace
The armistice signed by the defeated Germans on November 11, 1918, proved him right and brought him, the last survivor of those who had protested at Bordeaux in 1871 against the harsh terms imposed on France, the satisfaction of seeing Alsace-Lorraine returned to France. Clemenceau found that building the peace was a more arduous task than winning the war. He wanted the wartime alliance to be followed by an indefectible peacetime alliance. He presided with authority over the difficult sessions of the Paris Peace Conference (1919).

The Treaty of Versailles was in preparation, and this necessitated strenuous days of work and delicate negotiations. Clemenceau made it his task to reconcile the interests of France with those of Great Britain and the United States. He defended the French cause with enthusiasm and conviction, forcing his view alternately on the British prime minister, David Lloyd George and the United States president, Woodrow Wilson. He also took care to see that Germany was disarmed. With his desire for poetic justice, he insisted that the Treaty of Versailles be signed (June 28, 1919) in the Hall of Mirrors of the Versailles palace where, in 1871, William I had had himself proclaimed German emperor.

Meanwhile, the French Assembly began to grow restless, for it saw itself put to one side in the peace negotiations. It no longer regarded Clemenceau as indispensable. A new Chamber of Deputies was elected on November 16, 1919, and Clemenceau imagined that he would have its support, since many of its members were former servicemen. But the politicians could not forgive him for having excluded them not only from the conduct of the war but also from the negotiation of the peace. He also had to face hostility from the clerical party on the extreme right and from the pacifist element on the extreme left. Defeated in the presidential election of January 17, 1920, he then, as was customary on the election of a new president, resigned the premiership. He also gave up all other political activities.

 
 

Georges Clemenceau by Cecilia Beaux (1920)
  Later years
Clemenceau was nearly 80 years old when he retired to Vendée, to Bel-Ebat, a modest cottage on a dune overlooking the Atlantic. He spent a few days in Corsica with his friend Nicolas Piétri, whom he named as executor of his will and whom he persuaded to accompany him on a long sea voyage to India, from September 1920 to May 1921. In Singapore, he dedicated a street bearing his name. He went tiger hunting and amazed his hosts with the spryness of his wit and with his insatiable intellectual curiosity. Everywhere he was warmly welcomed as “the statesman who has deserved his world-wide reputation and who has done so much for the cause of the Allies.”
When it appeared that the United States was seeking to dissociate itself from European affairs, Clemenceau, now 81 years old, visited the United States (November 1922) in an attempt to arouse its citizens from isolationism. He was welcomed triumphantly and in three weeks delivered about 30 speeches, admonishing his audiences that, if they forgot that there had been a war, another would break out. Woodrow Wilson, whom he visited, thanked him with great feeling for this peace crusade. Before returning to France, Clemenceau undertook a pilgrimage to the places where French soldiers had fought in the battle for American independence.

He retired finally to Bel-Ebat, although he still made short trips to Paris. He read a great deal and particularly enjoyed rereading Greek and Latin works in the original.

 
 
He wrote Démosthène (1926; Demosthenes, 1926), a study of Demosthenes and the fate of Greece, whose political instability had compromised its independence. He also wrote Au soir de la pensée (1927; In the Evening of My Thought, 1929), a sort of philosophic testament. He remained interested in political events and was grieved by them. In 1926 he sent a virulent letter to the U.S. president, Calvin Coolidge, calling for solidarity among the Allies in the face of German demands.

The years went by, bringing bereavements. The death of Foch saddened him, for he had admired him. But the posthumous publication of the Marshal’s Mémorial aroused in him bitterness and indignation. With sadness but with pride, he answered it in his own unfinished memoirs, Grandeurs et misères d’une victoire (1930; Grandeur and Misery of Victory, 1930).

On March 28, 1929, he wrote down his last wishes: to be buried near his father at Colombier, a spot of wild natural beauty in his native Vendée. He wanted no funeral procession, no official or religious ceremony. Around his tomb there was to be a very simple iron railing, with no inscription. He died in 1929 in his rue Franklin apartment in Paris.

Gaston Monnerville

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Edward VII
 

Edward VII, in full Albert Edward (born Nov. 9, 1841, London, Eng.—died May 6, 1910, London), king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British dominions and emperor of India from 1901, an immensely popular and affable sovereign and a leader of society.

 

Edward VII, king of the United Kingdom
  The second child and eldest son of Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Albert Edward, created prince of Wales and earl of Chester by his mother when he was one month old, attended the universities of both Oxford and Cambridge. His dalliance with an actress while serving with an army unit in Ireland (June–September 1861) caused Victoria to hold him partly responsible for the death of the prince consort, who had indeed taken his son’s brief liaison much to heart before succumbing to typhoid (Dec. 14, 1861). Subsequently, Victoria excluded her heir from any real initiation into affairs of state. Not until he was more than 50 years old was he informed of cabinet proceedings.

On March 10, 1863, the prince of Wales married Alexandra, eldest daughter of Prince Christian (later King Christian IX) of Denmark. Five children of this union survived to maturity (George, duke of York, subsequently King George V, was the second son). Alexandra was preoccupied with her immediate family, but the prince moved in a considerably wider circle, both at home and on the Continent, becoming a familiar figure in the sporting world. He was particularly given to racing, yachting, and game-bird shooting. His social activities involved him in several scandals.

He succeeded to the throne as Edward VII following Victoria’s death on Jan. 22, 1901, and was crowned on Aug. 9, 1902. His reign did much to restore lustre to a monarchy that had shone somewhat dimly during Victoria’s long seclusion as a widow.

 
 
In 1902 he resumed his tours of Europe. His geniality and felicitously worded addresses (conducted in French) during a state visit to Paris in 1903 helped pave the way, by winning popularity among French citizens of all ranks, for the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale of 1904. Relations with his nephew the German emperor William II were not always easy, either officially or personally. Although incapable of prolonged mental exertion, Edward was fortunate in his judgment of men. His support for the great military reforms of the secretary of state for war, Richard Burdon (later Viscount) Haldane, and for the First Sea Lord Sir John Fisher in his naval reforms did much to avert British unpreparedness when World War I started.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1841
 
 
U.S.S. "Creole," carrying slaves from Virginia to Louisiana, is seized by the slaves and sails into Nassau where they become free
 
 
Creole case
 

The Creole case was the result of an American slave revolt in November 1841 on board the Creole, a ship involved in the United States coastwise slave trade. As 128 slaves gained freedom after the rebels ordered the ship sailed to Nassau, it has been termed the "most successful slave revolt in US history". Two persons died as a result of the revolt, a black slave and a white slave trader.

 
Great Britain had abolished slavery effective 1834; its officials in the Bahamas ruled that most of the slaves on the Creole were freed after arrival there, if they chose to stay. Officials detained the 19 men who rebelled on ship until the Admiralty Court of Nassau held a special session in April 1842 to consider charges of piracy against them. The Court ruled that the men had been illegally held in slavery and had the right to use force to gain freedom; they were not seeking private gain. The 17 survivors were also released to freedom (two had died in the interval).

When the Creole reached New Orleans in December 1841 with three women and two child slaves aboard, Southerners were outraged about the loss of property. Relations between the United States and Britain were strained for a time. The incident occurred during negotiations for the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 but was not directly addressed. The parties settled on seven crimes qualifying for extradition in the treaty; they did not include slave revolts.

Eventually claims for losses of slaves from the Creole and two other US ships were covered, along with other claims dating to 1814, in a treaty of 1853 between the US and UK, for which an arbitration commission awarded settlements in 1855 against each nation.

 
 
The revolt
In the fall of 1841, the brig Creole, owned by Johnson and Eperson of Richmond, Virginia, was transporting 135 slaves for sale in New Orleans, the South's major market. It had left Richmond with 103 slaves and picked up another 32 at Hampton Roads, Virginia. Most were owned by Johnson and Eperson, and 26 were owned by Thomas McCargo, a slave trader who was one of the passengers on board.

While the United States had prohibited the international slave trade effective in 1808, it permitted the domestic slave trade among those states that authorized slavery; many slave traders transported captives by the coastwise slave trade along the East Coast. The brig also carried tobacco, a crew of 10, the captain's wife, daughter and niece; four passengers, including slave traders; and eight black slave servants, for a total of 160 on board.

Madison Washington, a slave who had been recaptured after returning from Canada to Virginia for his wife, was among those being shipped for sale in New Orleans. The slaves were kept in the forward hold, and he gained the deck after one of the crew had lifted the grate. On November 7, 1841, Washington and eighteen other male slaves rebelled; they overwhelmed the crew and killed John R. Hewell, one of the slave traders, with a knife. The crew and passengers had only one gun among them, which they never used. The captain and two mates had gone up into the rigging to escape the fighting, as the captain was wounded. During the fighting, one of the slaves was badly wounded and later died. Some of the crew were wounded but all survived.

The slaves took William Merritt at his word that he would navigate for them. They first demanded that the ship be taken to Liberia, which the US had established as a free colony in West Africa. Merritt said that voyage was impossible as they did not have enough food or water. Another slave leader, Ben Blacksmith, said they should be taken to the British West Indies, as he knew the slaves from the Hermosa had gained freedom there the previous year.

  British actions in Nassau
On November 9, 1841, the Creole reached Nassau, where it was first boarded by the harbor pilot and his crew, all local black Bahamians. They told the American slaves that, under Bahamian colonial law, they were free. The crew advised them to go ashore at once. The Quarantine Officer came aboard. As the captain Robert Ensor was badly wounded, the officer took First Mate Zephaniah Gifford to inform the American Consul of the events. At the Consul's request, the governor of the Bahamas ordered a guard to board the Creole to prevent the escape of the men implicated in Hewell's death. The 24 black soldiers were led by a white officer. This action prevented the slaves from dispersing into the city.

Fearing the British would apply their ban on slavery to the American slaves, the American consul tried to organize American sailors on the island to take back control of the ship. He intended to have them sail the ship out of British jurisdiction with the slaves still aboard. An American group of sailors approached the ship on November 12, intending to sail it away, but were foiled by a Bahamian who shouted a warning to the officer of the guard aboard the Creole. He threatened to fire into the Americans in their boat, and they withdrew.

After an investigation by magistrates, on Friday, 13 November 1841, the Bahamian Attorney-General went aboard. He told the nineteen rebels that they would be detained. He informed the remainder: "You are free, and at liberty to go onshore, and wherever you please.". A fleet of small boats manned by locals, who until then had surrounded the brig at a distance, immediately came forward. The Attorney-General warned the people against boarding the Creole, but said they could provide passage to those slaves who wished to go to shore. Most did so, although three women, a girl, and a boy stayed in hiding on board. They eventually sailed with the ship to New Orleans and back to slavery.

The New Providence government arranged for a ship bound for Jamaica, also under British control, to take passengers to that island for free, and announced it in the newspaper. Numerous American blacks from the Creole left for Jamaica aboard it.

 
 
After the Bahamian government arrested the conspirators, the United States government dropped its claims for all the slaves to be returned to its custody. There was no extradition treaty at the time between Britain and the United States governing such circumstances.

The British authorities determined that the slaves had not committed any breach of British or maritime law. As under British law they were free men, they were considered to have the right to use force to escape the detention of illegal slavery. The Admiralty Court in Nassau held a special session in April to consider a charge of piracy against the men implicated in the mutiny. Ruling that their action was not piracy, the Court ordered the surviving 17 mutineers to be released on April 16, 1842. As a total of 128 slaves gained their freedom, this has been described as the "most successful slave revolt in US history".

The Creole had departed months before for the United States, reaching its original destination of New Orleans on December 2, 1841. Five slaves were still aboard. Southern planters and politicians were outraged to learn the remainder of their "property" had been freed by British authorities.

The case attracted national attention in the United States and provoked diplomatic controversy. In Boston in 1842, abolitionist William E. Channing published a pamphlet, "The Duty of the Free States or Remarks Suggested by the Case of the 'Creole'," to refute claims by Southern politicians that the human property of U.S. slave owners should be protected in foreign ports. The issue was also under discussion due to negotiations over the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which was ratified with Great Britain that year.

Less than a year later, the Creole was wrecked in a violent storm while in harbour at Funchal, Madeira.

 
 
Political consequences
The Creole case generated diplomatic tension between Great Britain and the United States, and political rumblings within the United States. Southerners were outraged to have lost property in another instance of British colonists freeing slaves from American ships that had gone into their ports in the Caribbean. The John Tyler administration supported Southerners in seeking the return of the slaves.

Although known as an abolitionist, Daniel Webster as Secretary of State served John Tyler; he stated the US position to Great Britain that the slaves were legal property of US citizens and demanded their return.

Great Britain had abolished slavery effective August 1834, and it rejected the U.S. claim. It had advised all nations that under its law, ships that went into its colonial ports would forfeit any slaves on board. It said that Nassau was a British territory where British law must be applied. Under it, the 'slaves' aboard the Creole were to be considered free passengers. Accordingly, unless they could be proved to have broken local or maritime law, it would be false imprisonment to detain them against their will.

The abolitionist Charles Sumner argued that the slaves "became free men when taken, by the voluntary action of their owners, beyond the jurisdiction of the slave states." In March 1842 US Representative Joshua Reed Giddings of Ohio introduced a series of nine resolutions on this topic, arguing against the federal government acting on behalf of the slaveholders. He argued that Virginia state law did not apply to slaves who were outside Virginian waters, the federal government had no part in it, and the coastwise slave trade was unconstitutional, as slaves were beyond state law on the high seas, and thus free. Southerners in the House of Representatives disagreed with his position.
The members censured Giddings by a large margin for violating an informal gag rule that had been in effect since 1836, barring discussion of slavery in the House. He promptly resigned.
When the Ohio legislature held a special election in May 1842 for his seat, the voters of Ohio overwhelmingly reelected Giddings, by 7,469 to 383.

  Encouraged by the outcome of the Creole revolt, abolitionists renewed their political attacks on slavery and the coastwise trade. In the newspaper article, “The Hero Mutineers,” Madison Washington was named the ‘romantic hero.’ Washington was said to have shown sympathy toward the white crew members on the Creole by preventing his fellow slave mates from murdering all of them when they made a last effort to regain control. He was said to have personally dressed sailors’ wounds after the revolt.

The case roused strong feelings on both sides of the Atlantic, as the events occurred during the negotiations related to the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 between the two nations, primarily to settle the borders between the US and Canada, a British colony. According to the New York Courier and Inquirer, Daniel Webster, as Secretary of State, wrote to Lord Ashburton, then in Washington, DC:

"The Creole case is presented in strong terms by Mr Webster in a letter (which, when published, will bring all the anti-slavery people about his ears)..." To this Lord Ashburton replied that as the case had effectively arisen after his departure from England he was ‘not empowered to treat upon the subject’. He reaffirmed the position that as slavery was no longer recognized under British law, any foreign slave arriving in British possessions was automatically considered as free — as was also the case in those American states that did not recognize slavery. He did however promise that British officials in the West Indies would be given ‘directions’...'to do nothing in this respect when it can be properly avoided’ in the interests of ‘good neighbourhood’.

Among other declarations, the Webster-Ashburton Treaty called for a final end to the slave trade on the high seas, to be enforced by both signatories.

Seven lawsuits were lodged against insurance companies in Louisiana by slave owners who had suffered financial losses due to the revolt, as the insurance companies initially refused to compensate them. Most of these insurance cases were consolidated and eventually heard by the Louisiana State Supreme Court.

 
 
Earlier cases
The Comet in 1830 and the Encomium in 1833 were American ships in the coastwise slave trade that were forced by weather into British Caribbean ports while carrying numerous slaves bound for the domestic market in New Orleans. The British treated the slaves on board as aliens, and freed both groups. Britain eventually paid compensation for these seizures, as it had not yet abolished slavery in its territories.
 
 
When Parliament abolished slavery in its territories in 1833, Britain advised other countries that slave ships that put into its ports would forfeit the slaves without compensation. After British abolition of slavery in its colonies, effective in 1834, its officials freed slaves from the Enterprise (1835), and the Hermosa (1840), without compensation.

In 1840, the Hermosa, a US schooner in the coastwise slave trade carrying 38 slaves from Richmond to New Orleans for sale, went aground on one of the Abacos islands in the Bahamas. After wreckers took the ship to port, the captain refused to let the slaves off and with the US consul, tried to arrange for another ship to take and deliver his slave cargo to the United States. British magistrates backed with armed force went onto the Hermosa, taking the slaves off and freeing them when they reached the port.

The Americans protested. The Enterprise and Hermosa cases were submitted for arbitration under an 1853 claims treaty and, together with claims for the Creole and a variety of other unrelated claims dating to 1814, Britain paid a settlement in 1855 to the United States for these three cases. A total of nearly 450 American slaves achieved freedom due to British colonies' actions in these five cases.

  Compensation
After years of discussion, Great Britain and the United States signed a February 1853 Treaty of Claims which articles included the claims of slave-owners who had suffered financially through the British emancipation of slaves in the Enterprise (1835), Hermosa (1840) and Creole incidents. A claims commission met in London from September 15, 1853 to January 15, 1855 to settle the amount of total awards covered under this treaty, which extended to a variety of claims dating from December 1814. In February 1855, Congress passed a bill accepting the commission's settlement and appropriating funds for the US payment required.

Related incidents
British officials may have been warned off liberating slaves from US ships, but citizens sometimes acted independently. In 1855 the New York Times reported that an American slave had been removed by Jamaicans from the brig Young America at Savanna-la-Mar and "set at large". Although the action was taken by private individuals and not officials, the paper noted the potential for future conflict between the nations, and called for a lasting solution to be found by "the two governments interested".

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Laurier Wilfrid
 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, (born Nov. 20, 1841, Saint-Lin, Canada East [now Quebec, Can.]—died Feb. 17, 1919, Ottawa, Ont., Can.), the first French-Canadian prime minister of the Dominion of Canada (1896–1911), noted especially for his attempts to define the role of French Canada in the federal state and to define Canada’s relations to Great Britain. He was knighted in 1897.

 
Early life and education.
Laurier was born of French-Canadian parents and studied at the college at l’Assomption, where he received literary training under Catholic priests. He then studied law at McGill University in Montreal and was called to the bar in 1864. His bicultural education, most unusual at the time, may have played a part in his lifelong dedication to Canadian unity. While at McGill, he became a leading member of the Institut Canadien, a political club of advanced liberals (Les Rouges) with anticlerical and republican views. Later he joined the law offices of one of the leading Rouge politicians and contributed a number of articles to radical newspapers, one of which he edited for a few months in the mid-1860s.

In 1866, for reasons of health, Laurier moved to Athabaska, where he opened his own law practice. In 1868 he married Zoë Lafontaine of Montreal, and, despite a long relationship with Emilie Lavergne, his law partner’s wife, his childless marriage seems to have been a happy one. In 1871 he was elected to the opposition benches of the provincial legislature of Quebec, where his first speech, an eloquent plea for educational reform, attracted much attention. In 1874 he was elected to the Canadian House of Commons, of which he was to be a member until his death.

 
 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier
  Rise to leadership.
As Laurier gradually rose to become minister of internal revenue (1877–78) and eventually to leadership of the opposition Liberal Party in 1887, he persistently sought to bring together his countrymen on the issues that have since been recognized as the dominant themes of modern Canadian politics: the relations of church and state, the bicultural entente between French- and English-speaking Canadians, and the country’s association with the British Empire and relations with the United States. One of the political highlights of these years for Laurier was his famous speech on Liberalism delivered in 1877 in the city of Quebec. In that speech he set himself against both the Quebec politicians who attempted to form a Catholic party and the extremist elements in his own group who sought to exclude the clergy from all political activity. Because of his skillful statesmanship, the cold antagonism between conservative churchmen and liberal politicians gradually began to thaw; after 1896 no anticlerical ever attained important public office and no cleric officially interfered in politics.
In 1885 Laurier became a national figure when he delivered a moving plea of clemency for Louis Riel, who had led a rebellion of the Métis (people of mixed French and Indian extraction) in Manitoba and whose death sentence provoked violent outbursts between the French Catholic nationalists in Quebec and the Britannic groups in Ontario. Showing great courage, Laurier, though not condoning Riel’s actions, charged the government with mishandling the rebellion.
 
 
Although he did not succeed in saving Riel, he established his reputation as a man of principle and high ideals. Throughout his political life, he emphasized moderation and compromise and gradually became recognized as the only leader able to effect a national reconciliation.

At the same time he was turning his personal magnetism into a valuable political weapon. Between 1887 and 1896 he perfected his party’s organization, refined Liberal strategy, made political alliances, assessed local partisans, and judiciously applied his personal charm to winning over Conservative adversaries and dissident Liberals. He infused new life into his party, for instance, by campaigning vigorously for unrestricted reciprocity, the grant of mutual commercial privileges, with the United States. After the policy had served its purpose, however, he dropped it from his platform in 1893. Between 1895 and 1896 he spoke at between 200 and 300 meetings, thus personally reaching some 200,000 voters. In mid-1896, with the Conservative government divided and disorganized, he easily carried the Liberal Party to victory in the general election.

Laurier’s “national policy.” Intent on heading an administration of national unity, Laurier attracted to his first Cabinet men who had won distinction in their own provinces. His “national policy” consisted of protection for Canadian industries, the settlement of the west, and the building of an effective transportation system. The years between 1896 and 1911 became a boom period for which the Prime Minister himself provided the slogan: “The Twentieth Century belongs to Canada.” The budget of 1897 lowered tariffs but established a protection policy that lasted until 1911. Laurier’s land and emigration policy remains as perhaps the basic achievement of his government. During 15 years more than 1,000,000 people moved into Manitoba and into the western territories, which in 1905 became the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta. Wheat became the major product of the new Prairie Provinces; towns and ports sprang up; railroads flourished; and in 1903 Laurier announced that a second transcontinental rail system would be built: the Canadian west had become the granary of the world.

Meanwhile, the Prime Minister’s attention had been diverted to external affairs. In 1897, 1902, 1907, and 1911 he attended Imperial Conferences at which he steadily resisted British proposals for closer ties that might commit Canada to defense responsibilities.

 
 

Wilfrid Laurier, 1869
   He sincerely admired the institutions and liberal policies of Great Britain—he accepted a knighthood (1897) and once declared that he would be proud to see a Canadian of French descent affirming the principles of freedom in the British Parliament—yet he would never agree to any dilution of Canadian autonomy. Thus, from his policies there began to emerge the modern concept of a British Commonwealth of independent states. Britain’s South African War of 1899 marked the start of Laurier’s decline. Quebec nationalists denounced his decision to send a force of 1,000 men, while English Canadians thought the number insufficient. Then, a series of invidious disputes—over denominational schools in the Northwest, Sunday observance laws, the restrictions of French linguistic rights in Manitoba and Ontario—kept widening the rift between the nationalities in the east and new Canadians in the west and between Laurier and his Cabinet. As the election of 1911 approached, the Prime Minister attempted to reunite his factious party by negotiating a treaty of reciprocity with the United States, but he failed. Reciprocity did not distract Quebec from the convincing argument that each one of Laurier’s compromises was a surrender of French Canada’s fundamental rights. Among the Britannic Canadians, reciprocity seemed an opportunistic capitulation to the United States, the first step toward annexation. In a month of bitter campaigning in 1911, the 70-year-old prime minister delivered more than 50 speeches yet could not overcome the powerful combination of imperialist business interests and bigoted nationalism. He retired with the dignity Canadians had learned to expect of him and spent his remaining years as leader of the opposition.
 
 
Assessment.
To his faithful followers, especially in Quebec, where his surname is used as a first name by many other Canadians, Laurier is a charismatic hero whose term of office was a happy time in Canadian history. He worked all his life for cooperation between French- and English-speaking Canadians while he strove to keep Canada as independent as possible from Britain. His personal charm and dignity, his great skill as an orator, and his great gifts of intellect won the admiration of all Canadians and non-Canadians alike.

The Rev. Jacques Monet, S.J.

Encyclopædia Britannica

     
 
 
1841
 
 
New Zealand becomes Britain colony
 
 
New Zealand
 

New Zealand, Maori Aotearoa, island country in the South Pacific Ocean, the southwesternmost part of Polynesia. New Zealand is a remote land—one of the last sizable territories suitable for habitation to be populated and settled—and lies more than 1,000 miles (1,600 km) southeast of Australia, its nearest neighbour. The country comprises two main islands—the North and South islands—and a number of small islands, some of them hundreds of miles from the main group. The capital city is Wellington and the largest urban area Auckland; both are located on the North Island. New Zealand administers the South Pacific island group of Tokelau and claims a section of the Antarctic continent. Niue and the Cook Islands are self-governing states in free association with New Zealand.

 


New Zealand

 
New Zealand is a land of great contrasts and diversity. Active volcanoes, spectacular caves, deep glacier lakes, verdant valleys, dazzling fjords, long sandy beaches, and the spectacular snowcapped peaks of the Southern Alps on the South Island—all contribute to New Zealand’s scenic beauty. New Zealand also has a unique array of vegetation and animal life, much of which developed during the country’s prolonged isolation. It is the sole home, for example, of the long-beaked, flightless kiwi, the ubiquitous nickname for New Zealanders.

New Zealand was the largest country in Polynesia when it was annexed by Great Britain in 1840. Thereafter it was successively a crown colony, a self-governing colony (1856), and a dominion (1907). By the 1920s it controlled almost all of its internal and external policies, although it did not become fully independent until 1947, when it adopted the Statute of Westminster. It is a member of the Commonwealth.

The ascent of Mount Everest by New Zealander Sir Edmund Hillary with Sherpa Tenzing Norgay in 1953 was one of the defining moments of the 20th century. “In some ways,” Hillary suggested, “I believe I epitomise the average New Zealander: I have modest abilities, I combine these with a good deal of determination, and I rather like to succeed.”

Despite New Zealand’s isolation, the country has been fully engaged in international affairs since the early 20th century, being an active member of a number of intergovernmental institutions, including the United Nations. It has also participated in several wars, including World Wars I and II. Economically the country was dependent on the export of agricultural products, especially to Great Britain. The entry of Britain into the European Community in the early 1970s, however, forced New Zealand to expand its trade relations with other countries. It also began to develop a much more extensive and varied industrial sector. Tourism has played an increasingly important role in the economy, though this sector has been vulnerable to global financial instability.

The social and cultural gap between New Zealand’s two main groups—the indigenous Maori of Polynesian heritage and the colonizers and later immigrants from the British Isles and their descendants—has decreased since the 1970s, though educational and economic differences between the two groups remain. Immigration from other areas—Asia, Africa, and eastern Europe—has also made a mark, and New Zealand culture today reflects these many influences. Minority rights and race-related issues continue to play an important role in New Zealand politics.

 
 

Waikato River: Hamilton
 
 
History

Discovery

No precise archaeological records exist of when and from where the first human inhabitants of New Zealand came, but it is generally agreed that Polynesians from eastern Polynesia in the central Pacific reached New Zealand in the early 13th century. There has been much speculation on how these people made the long ocean voyage. People from Polynesia are known to have sometimes set sail in search of new lands, their canoes well provisioned with food and plants for cultivation, and it is likely that the discoverers of New Zealand were on such a voyage. It is probable that few canoes made the dangerous journey, but the people from even one of these large double-hulled craft could have produced the Maori population that the Europeans encountered in New Zealand in the 17th and 18th centuries. With them they brought the dog and the rat and several plants, including the kumara (a variety of sweet potato), taro, and yam.

The Polynesian period, prior to the arrival of Europeans, has been divided into an early “Archaic” phase, with primarily coastal settlements and an economy based on hunting, especially of moas (flightless birds), fishing, and limited crop cultivation, and a later “Classic” phase, characterized by a movement inland, the building of lightly defended villages, and the extensive cultivation of gardens. Another approach to Maori history divides the period into a “colonization,” a “transitional,” and a “traditional” phase.
Colonization, when the new arrivals settled in base camps along the coasts and exploited the abundant animal food resources, lasted until about 1400. The transitional phase—marked by a growth in population, a shift to a fish, shellfish, and plant diet, the emergence of food-storage pits, and changing art forms—lasted until about 1600.

  And the traditional phase—during which inland villages were built, artifacts of bone, wood, and stone became more common, and gardening was commonplace—lasted until the arrival of Europeans.

In the South Island, if not elsewhere, the first Polynesian settlers found moas in immense numbers on tussock grasslands. These served as their major food supply and had become extinct by the 15th century. The 18th-century Maori population was densest in the warmer northern parts of the country, where the Maori variant of Polynesian culture had reached its high point, particularly in the arts of war, canoe construction, building, weaving, and agriculture.

The first European to arrive in New Zealand was a Dutch sailor, Abel Janszoon Tasman, who sighted the coast of Westland (northwestern South Island) in December 1642. His sole attempt to land brought only a clash with a South Island tribe during which several of his men were killed. After his voyage the western coast of New Zealand became a line upon European charts and was thought of as the possible western edge of a great southern continent.

In 1769–70 the British naval officer and explorer James Cook completed Tasman’s work by circumnavigating the two major islands and charting them with a remarkable degree of accuracy. His initial contact with the Maori was violent, but harmonious relations were established later. On this and on subsequent voyages, Cook, with the explorer and naturalist Joseph Banks, made the first systematic observations of Maori life and culture. Cook’s journal, published as A Voyage Towards the South Pole, and Round the World (1777), brought the knowledge of a new land to Europeans. He stressed the intelligence of the natives and the suitability of the country for colonization, and soon colonists as well as other discoverers followed Cook to the islands he had made known.

 
 

Kaikoura Range, South Island, New Zealand.
 
 
Early European settlement
Apart from convicts escaping from Australia and shipwrecked or deserting sailors seeking asylum with Maori tribes, the first Europeans in New Zealand were in search of profits—from sealskins, timber, New Zealand flax (genus Phormium), and whaling. Australian firms set up tiny settlements of land-based bay whalers, and Kororareka (now called Russell), in the northeastern North Island, became a stopping place for American, British, and French deep-sea whalers. Traders supplying whalers drew Maori into their economic activity, buying provisions and supplying trade goods, implements, muskets, and rum. Initially the Maori welcomed the newcomers; while the tribes were secure, the European was a useful dependent.

Maori went overseas, some as far as England. A northern chief, Hongi Hika, amassed presents in England and exchanged them in Australia for muskets; back in New Zealand he waged devastating war on traditional enemies. The use of firearms spread southward; a series of tribal wars, spreading from north to south, displaced populations and disturbed landholdings, especially in the Waikato, Taranaki, and Cook Strait areas. Europeans soon founded colonies in these unsettled regions. Missionaries quickly followed the traders. Between 1814 and 1838, Anglicans, Wesleyan Methodists, and Roman Catholics set up mission stations. Conversion was initially slow, but by the mid-19th century most Maori were adherents, for varying reasons, of some form of Christianity.

All of these newcomers had a profound effect on Maori life. Warfare and disease reduced numbers, while new values, pursuits, and beliefs modified tribal structures. Christianity cut across the sanctions and prohibitions that had supplied Maori social cohesion. A capitalist economy, to which Maori were introduced both by traders offering new inducements (for instance, the brief demand for New Zealand flax) and by missionaries bringing new agricultural techniques, affected the whole material basis of life. At first in the north and later over the whole country, a process of adjustment began, which has continued to the present day. By the late 1830s, chiefly through the Australian link, New Zealand had been joined to Europe. Settlers numbered at least some hundreds, and there were certain to be more. Colonization schemes were afoot in Great Britain, and Australian graziers were buying land from the Maori. These circumstances determined British policy.

  Annexation and further settlement
In 1838 the British government decided upon at least partial annexation. In 1839 it commissioned William Hobson, a naval officer, as lieutenant governor and consul to the Maori chiefs, and he annexed the whole country: the North Island by the right of cession from the Maori chiefs and the South Island by the right of discovery. At first New Zealand was legally part of the New South Wales colony (in Australia), but in 1841 it became a separate crown colony, and Hobson was named governor. Before declaring the annexation of New Zealand, Hobson went through a process of discussion with the northern chiefs from which emerged the Treaty of Waitangi (February 1840).

Under the Treaty the Maori ceded kawanatanga (translated as “sovereignty,” but its meaning is much debated) to the crown in return for protection and guaranteed possession of their lands; they also agreed to sell land only to the crown. Hobson promised an investigation into past “sales” of land to private individuals to ensure fair dealing. This treaty imposed a strong moral obligation upon the British government to act as guardian of the Maori.

Even before annexation was proclaimed, planning for the first English colony had begun. The New Zealand Company, founded in 1839 to colonize on the principles laid down by Edward Gibbon Wakefield, sent a survey ship, the Tory, in May 1839. The agents on board were to buy land in both islands around Cook Strait. The company moved hastily because its founders were aware that British annexation was likely and would entail a crown monopoly of land sales and a consequent increase in price. Purchases were effected in great haste before Hobson could bring to an end such private transactions. Little effort was made to seek out the true Maori owners; this would have been difficult anyway, as Maori ownership was communal and titles had been disturbed by the warfare of the preceding quarter century. The company, combining skillful propaganda with outright trickery and brutality, enforced its claim to the land upon which New Plymouth, Wanganui, and Wellington in the North Island and Nelson in the South Island were founded in the 1840s.

Later, through the crown, it secured other areas in the South Island where Otago (1848) and Canterbury (1850) were settled by separate associations. Meanwhile, Hobson moved the seat of government south from the Bay of Islands, bringing Auckland into existence (1840).

 
 

Mount Taranaki, near New Plymouth, North Island, New Zealand.
 
 
In the early 1840s settlement and government began to alarm the Maori. In the Cook Strait area a formidable chief, Te Rauparaha, obstructed settlement. Near the Bay of Islands there was open warfare, and Kororareka was repeatedly raided. Neither Hobson (who died in 1842) nor his successor, Robert FitzRoy, was able to overcome the Maori. George (later Sir George) Grey, who became governor in 1845, had money and troops and the will to use them. His victories brought a peace that lasted from 1847 until 1860. Hone Heke, the principal leader in the north, was thoroughly defeated (1846), and in the south a likely uprising was prevented. Ethnic strife had been accompanied by economic distress. In the mid-1840s the nascent economy was depressed until the Australian gold rushes of the 1850s offered a market for foodstuffs to the New Zealand farmer, settler and Maori alike.

By the end of the 1840s ethnic and economic trouble had given way to political agitation. The leading settlements, apart from Auckland, began to campaign for representative government in place of Grey’s personal rule. He, while refusing to give way, helped to draft the New Zealand Constitution Act of 1852, which was designed to meet all demands of the settlers. Grey sought not to prevent the introduction of self-government but to delay it until he had determined both native and land policy. He wanted to begin the rapid assimilation of the Maori (with whom his relations were excellent) to British social and cultural patterns and to introduce a land policy that would safeguard the small farmer against the large landowner.
He believed he had secured these goals by the time of his departure at the end of 1853.

 
 

The Cathedral in the Waitomo caves, north-central North Island, New Zealand.
 
 
RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
After the Constitution Act came into force in 1853, New Zealand was divided into six provinces—Auckland, New Plymouth (Taranaki), Wellington, Nelson, Canterbury, and Otago—each with a superintendent and a provincial council. The central government consisted of a governor and a two-chamber legislature (General Assembly): a Legislative Council nominated by the crown, and a House of Representatives elected upon a low property franchise for a five-year term. This General Assembly did not meet until 1854; it then embarked on a quarrel with the acting governor, Col. Robert Henry Wynyard, that was not ended until the achievement of full responsible government—i.e., a system under which the governor could act in domestic matters only upon the advice of ministers enjoying the confidence of the elected chamber. Henry Sewell and James FitzGerald, of Canterbury, led the representatives in this struggle; heading the opposition against them was Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who, having first moved the resolution for responsible government, then secretly opposed it while serving as extra-official adviser to the acting governor. The Colonial Office (which oversaw the government of Britain’s overseas territories) conceded responsible government in 1856. The next governor, Thomas (later Sir Thomas) Gore Browne, reserved Maori affairs to the control of the governor alone.

For most purposes, during the 1850s New Zealand was administered not by central but by provincial institutions. These authorities (10 in number by the time of their abolition in 1876) directly affected settlers through their administration of land and control of immigration and public works. The native department, directly under the governor, bought land from the Maori; the provincial governments settled it, regulated immigration, and built roads and bridges. Until the wars of the 1860s, the central legislature was less important, though its ultimate authority remained.

Each province made use of revenue arising from land sales and depended on that revenue for its strength. Canterbury and Otago, with small Maori populations, cultivated prosperity by spending that revenue on communications, immigration, and education. Other provinces were either less fortunate or less wise and enjoyed less success. In the North Island the numerous and anxious Maori held on to desirable land. Here most of the land available for settlement had been taken up by the end of the 1850s, a good deal of it by speculators, and some of it was given away to attract immigrants. The island remained largely without roads until the 1870s, so impecunious were its governments. But by that time the major obstacle to settlement—the continuing power of the tribes—had been removed. This was the result of a decade of war.

  ETHNIC CONFLICT
In the 1850s relations between settlers and Maori deteriorated. The settler population and the demand for land, especially pastoral land, increased. Many Maori, fearing for their future, became reluctant to sell more land. In the Taranaki province, where the land shortage was acute, both settlers and those Maori willing to sell were opposed by Wiremu Kingi (Te Rangitake), chief of Te Atiawa. In the Waikato, where good land was coveted by settlers and speculators, an elderly chief, Te Wherowhero, became “king” in 1858, largely through the support of the Waikato and Maniopoto tribes, and reigned as King Potatau I. The Maori King Movement and the unrest in the Taranaki headed by Wiremu Kingi (the two movements remained distinct though related) were opposed to further land sales.

The likelihood of conflict was not reduced by any particular wisdom in government policy. Gore Browne was guided in native policy by the head of the Native Land Purchase Department, Donald (later Sir Donald) McLean, who, responsive to settler demands, increased pressure on potential sellers. Grey’s caution and his recognition that a chief could veto sales proposed by any section of his tribe were forgotten. McLean sowed a rich harvest of distrust. Christopher Richmond, the member of the cabinet in charge of native affairs, was also a member of the House of Representatives from Taranaki and was fully responsive to the needs of his settler neighbours. The central ministry, theoretically unconcerned with native policy, could not, despite the promise of protection made to the Maori in the Treaty of Waitangi, neglect a matter so vital to the colony’s future. In 1859 the representative of the crown unwittingly supplied the occasion for the outbreak of civil strife.

Gore Browne accepted an offer to sell from a Taranaki subchief, Te Teira, and ignored the veto imposed by the paramount chief, Wiremu Kingi. Early in 1860 troops were used to dislodge Kingi from the land in question, the Waitara block. A decade of fighting began. In 1861 Grey was sent back for a second term as governor in the hope that he would again prove to be a peacemaker. In fact he accelerated the extension of conflict. Fearing that Auckland was menaced by the followers of the Maori king, he took defensive measures that could easily be interpreted as acts of aggression, and the fighting subsequently spread from Taranaki to the Waikato.

Imperial troops, colonial militia, and Maori allies (for not all the tribes supported the Maori nationalist movement) had no easy task, but their victory could not be postponed for long. By the mid-1860s Maori resistance in the Taranaki and Waikato had ended. But the “king” tribes were by no means crushed, and the fear that they would embark on war again haunted the colony for many years.

 
 

Maori meetinghouse, Ohinemutu village, Rotorua, New Zealand.
 
 
In the later 1860s the fighting was of a different character, in which religion acted as a last, desperate stiffener of Maori resistance. Pai Marire (Hauhauism), an amalgam of Jewish, Christian, and native beliefs, was the first (1862) of many movements in which the Maori, rejecting the religion of settler and missionary, put their own imprint on Christianity. Toward the end of the decade, Te Kooti organized resistance on the east coast of the North Island. He was the founder of another religious movement as well as a guerrilla of some note; his adaptation of Christianity, Ringatu, still has numerous followers. Te Kooti was never finally defeated, but by the early 1870s he had been forced to retreat into the “King Country” (the centre of the island), and he devoted the rest of his life to religious leadership.

An uneasy peace settled on the colony in 1870. Casualties had not been high, but the loss of life was serious for the tribes concerned. Especially in those areas in which the Maori king retained some authority, defeat led to a period of withdrawal from settler society. Resentment was deepened by a punitive policy of land confiscation adopted by the victors, a policy improper in its nature and made worse in some places by undiscriminating application to “guilty” and “innocent” tribes alike. The Maori future looked bleak. By the Native Land Act of 1862, private land transactions between settler and Maori had been legalized, and during the next 40 years the Maori lost most of their best land. In 1867 four seats in the General Assembly were created for Maori members and Maori men gained the vote, but many years were to elapse before Maori numbers, morale, and confidence would revive throughout the country.

 
 

Cows grazing near Mount Taranaki, New Zealand.
 
 
Development of the colony
FLUCTUATION OF THE ECONOMY

Economic growth in the North Island had been considerably retarded by the wars. Meanwhile, the South Island, especially Canterbury and Otago, had grown increasingly prosperous. Pastoral farming expanded steadily, and the discovery of gold, first in Otago and then on the west coast, led to a sudden boom in production and trade. Population rose when diggers poured in; economic life quickened as gold brought prosperity, less to the diggers than to bankers, merchants, land sellers, and farmers supplying provisions. The South Island share of the European population jumped from about 40 percent to 60 percent during the 1860s. The North Island did not recover its previous lead until the 20th century.

Attempts by other provinces to emulate the development of Canterbury and Otago normally ended in embarrassment (in one case in bankruptcy) as money was recklessly borrowed and spent. To preserve the colony’s reputation, the central government in 1867 banned further provincial overseas borrowing. About that time economic depression struck the greater part of the country, especially the South Island, where the accessible alluvial gold had been worked out. The South Island was thus looking for a stimulus, while the ending of the wars now made further development possible in the North Island. It was widely agreed that only the central government could adequately revitalize the economy.

In 1870 a development policy was provided by Julius (later Sir Julius) Vogel, who at the time was colonial treasurer and who later served twice (1873–75; 1876) as premier. He was convinced (not altogether accurately) that New Zealand was bursting with potential resources needing no more than the stimulus of capital and labour for their exploitation. He borrowed overseas capital for public works on an unprecedented scale and swelled the labour force with British immigrants whose passage had been subsidized by the government.

Not all of Vogel’s schemes were wisely conceived; the prosperity of the mid-1870s was more an investment boom than a solid growth of productivity. But the colony ended the decade with a doubled population (about 500,000) and the beginnings of efficient internal and external communications. Roads, bridges, railways, and telegraph systems had been built and overseas shipping services improved. Private lending agencies contributed to the boom; in a heady atmosphere land values and interest rates climbed alarmingly.

  The public debt greatly increased, and many people who had acquired land were in desperate financial straits. Falling overseas prices for farm products (chiefly wool and wheat), a declining gold output, retrenchment by the government, and widespread unemployment marked the 1880s. Immigrant ships discharged their passengers at ports where unemployment was already rife. There had been growth in the 1870s, but it was succeeded by a depression that lasted until 1895.

Vogel abolished the provincial governments in 1876. They had earned his enmity by refusing to allow their lands to be used as security for public works and by blocking a forest-conservation scheme. Essentially, they had become outmoded when in the early 1870s the initiative in development passed to the central government. Provincial governments had been set up to colonize their districts; when the centre assumed this function, they lost their raison d’être.

Abolition came fairly painlessly; it was an affront more to local pride than to local prosperity. Only in Otago was there a strong attempt to resist change. Thereafter, provincial interests were long pursued by the respective delegates in the General Assembly, whose achievements were in no way diminished by the lack of particularist (provincial) institutions.

The governments of the 1880s, though led by men of some ability and imagination, such as Sir Robert Stout and Sir Harry Atkinson, did not deal effectively with the depression. The time-honoured remedy, spending loan money on development, was not fully given up until 1887. The basic problem was to find productive work for the country’s labour force; closer land settlement was the remedy suggested in the 1880s and applied in the 1890s. Great areas, especially in the South Island, had fallen to large owners; these “monopolists” were attacked by the radicals, though probably the pastoral industry could not have been established under any other system. William Rolleston, minister of lands in the early 1880s, first proposed that the state help men to become small farmers as state tenants; John (later Sir John) McKenzie and the Liberal government applied that remedy with vigour in the 1890s.

But closer settlement and intensive farming did not of themselves create economic benefits, which in fact could not accrue until small farmers had a product to export and gained a good price for that product. Refrigeration and rising world prices provided the answer. It became possible in the 1880s to send to Great Britain refrigerated cargoes of butter, cheese, and meat; this encouraged the spread of small-scale intensive farming.

 
 

The Parliamentary Library, Wellington, New Zealand.
 
 
THE LIBERAL ERA (1891–1912)
The energetic Liberal government led by John Ballance, which took office in 1891, accelerated the process of change. It opened more land (much of it bought from the Maori), established farmers on perpetual state leaseholds, provided credit for land purchase and improvements, and built roads. So came into existence great dairying and meat-producing areas, especially in the North Island. Prices for dairy and meat, as well as for wool, rose about 1895 and stayed generally high until about 1920.

This economic stimulus was not limited to farmers. Urban distress had been serious in the 1880s, for many recent immigrants had been townspeople who had stayed in New Zealand towns on arrival. The ultimate cure for their distress was for the towns to share in the farmers’ high prices. Urban New Zealand depended on the prosperity of the country. But other remedies were considered, and some of them were applied. In the 1880s there was serious discussion of insurance against sickness, poverty, and old age; the Old Age Pensions Act of 1898 was the first measure of social security. Tariff protection to foster industrial employment was halfheartedly applied in the late 1880s. Revelations of oppression in industry led in the 1890s to a labour code to protect workers.

The chief Liberal industrial policy, however, formulated by William Pember Reeves, minister of labour from 1892 to 1896, was to encourage trade unions and to introduce, in the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act of 1894, a conciliation and compulsory arbitration system intended to end industrial unrest and give the unions the means of protecting their members. The growth of unions was stimulated by the fact that only through them could the workers use the system. Reeves’s act, amended and occasionally suspended but still essentially his own handiwork, remained in effect until the late 1960s. It enabled the worker in good times to resist wage cuts and to press for increases, but it did not manage to prevent cuts and unemployment when falling overseas prices brought depression to New Zealand.

  It was not strikingly radical in effect; employers and governments used it to break strikes, such as that of miners at Waihi in 1912.
It built up the power of those majority elements in the unions that preferred coming to terms with capitalism to any effort to destroy it. Some occupations, such as transport, cargo handling, meat processing, and mining, fostered unions keen to relinquish arbitration for direct action, but they were in a minority and were seldom successful in the long run.

The Liberal era, from 1891 to 1912, transformed political life. Previously politics had not been marked by neat party divisions. Local advantage had determined political behaviour in the development period during and after the 1870s; voters had argued over the scope and details of policies and had advanced the claims of locality and province for a proper share of largesse.

Acute economic depression ended development and with it the politics of local advantage. In 1890 the Liberals began to act as a more or less unified party. But perhaps the most significant political change was the winning of the franchise by women in 1893 after a campaign of more than two decades.

The Liberals’ 20 years in office, the success of their land and labour policies, and the formidable qualities of leadership discovered in Richard John Seddon, premier from 1893 to his death in 1906, welded the Liberals into a fairly coherent parliamentary and popular party. Seddon was a portent of a new age.

In 1893 this energetic goldfields-trader-turned-politician provided a sharp contrast to the gentlemanly premiers who had preceded him. But his crudeness assisted rather than hindered his popularity. He was devoted to political success and skilled in the manipulation of the means of success—parliamentary procedure, patronage, and party organization. By the time of his death, he had established a kind of elective despotism over the country.

William Hosking Oliver

 
 

Maori masks, New Zealand.
 
 
New Zealand since 1900
Seddon’s successors, in his own and in other parties, were of the same stamp—men of the people devoted to a political career. Politics ceased to be a duty of the well-to-do amateur. The Liberal government, under Sir Joseph Ward, survived Seddon by six years. In 1912 it fell before a new party, the New Zealand Political Reform League (usually called the Reform Party), led by a dairy farmer, William Ferguson Massey, who served as prime minister until 1925. Based on prospering farmers and townspeople, especially of the North Island, and closely connected with their professional organizations, it was more narrowly sectional than the Liberals had been. Except for views borrowed from the Liberals, it had little positive policy. Reform made much of a promise to enable the state leaseholder to buy the freehold of his farm at original valuation. That promise was an emotional rallying cry for conservatives fearing land nationalization and complete socialism. Only a small minority of farmers were state tenants, and not all bought the freehold when the Reform government gave them the chance.

While the Liberals lost support in rural areas, they were further weakened by urban left-wing defections, which eventually led to a separate Labour Party. The initiative, on the right and on the left, was passing to other parties, and the Liberals were gradually eclipsed. The period before World War I was one of discontent and anxiety. Prosperity, though still considerable, had somewhat declined. The farmers were disturbed by what they took to be the threat of socialism, detected in the radicalism of a Liberal minority but chiefly in the rebirth of direct action in some trade unions. That change in temper arose from labour’s dissatisfaction with wage levels achieved under arbitration and from the growth of syndicalist and socialist ideas. After 1906 the Arbitration Court refused to grant further increases of real wages. Discontent flared up in the strikes of 1912–13, the biggest occurring on the waterfront when the farmers’ government, headed by Massey, repressed a movement that had overtones of revolution.

 
 

Wellington from the top of Mount Victoria, New Zealand.
 
 
NATIONALISM AND WAR
By the late 19th century many New Zealanders were coming to regard themselves as a new nation. Most of those of European background had been born in New Zealand and had no memories of or nostalgia for Britain, often called “home.” In the 1890s New Zealand Natives Associations were established by native-born European New Zealanders. Success in sports, especially rugby, spurred national pride. An even greater influence was war.

New Zealanders served on the British side during the South African War (1899–1902), during which time they earned a reputation as being superior to the British at fighting a guerrilla war. World War I greatly stimulated national sentiment. During the warfare at Gallipoli, Turkey, and later in France, New Zealanders proved to be excellent soldiers. But while the war boosted nationalist sentiment among both troops and civilians, the price was terrible: nearly one of every three men between the ages of 20 and 40 was killed or wounded. The loss in leadership in the following years was considerable.

At home the war brought prosperity, as export markets were assured and prices good. Domestic unity was only slightly shaken by the antiwar feeling of a faction on the political left. Massey remained prime minister, but, in the wartime coalition government (1915–19), Ward and the Liberals carried great weight. The Reform Party stayed in office until 1928, led after Massey’s death in 1925 by Joseph Gordon Coates.
The party survived the first postwar economic depression but not that of the mid-1920s. Led by Ward, the Liberals, under the new name of the United Party, were victorious in 1928; they thus had to face the deepening depression of 1929–30. After Ward’s death (1930) and at the height of the depression, Reform and United formed a new coalition (1931) under the premiership of George Forbes, which lasted until the election of 1935 brought in a Labour government.

Some postwar developments were of great importance. In external affairs Massey led a delegation to the Paris Peace Conference and signed the Treaty of Versailles and so committed New Zealand to membership in the League of Nations. New Zealand thus began to acquire the status of a sovereign state, though Massey denied this consequence. The Liberals, especially Seddon, had already taken steps toward autonomy within the empire. At the series of colonial and imperial conferences from 1887 onward, New Zealand had followed Canada and Australia in asserting its right to a voice in certain foreign policy issues. Seddon argued vehemently against British reluctance to acquire more Pacific islands while permitting German influence to grow in Samoa.

  New Zealand legislation to restrict Asian immigration was sharply and obstinately at variance with British policy. Western Samoa (now Samoa), which New Zealand had captured from the Germans in 1914 and over which it was granted a mandate in 1920, also provided occasions for British and New Zealand differences.

Reform leaders professed little love for the principle of Commonwealth autonomy. New Zealand took a passive part in the conferences leading to the Statute of Westminster in 1931 and did not adopt it until 1947. But the substance of autonomy had been enjoyed before.

The major domestic achievement of the Reform administration was a system of export-marketing agencies in which authority was shared by producer and state. That system laid the foundations of a collectivist marketing structure. J.G. Coates was the most energetic minister in Forbes’s coalition government. His attempts to counter depression concentrated on the farmer in order to revive the country. To increase export receipts, he devalued the New Zealand pound. He also protected farmers against foreclosure and set up a credit agency.

When overseas prices began to recover in 1934, the country was financially strong, but little had been done for the unemployed. Conditions in towns and relief camps led to rioting, violence, and widespread discontent, all of which were favourable to the Labour Party. The Labour Party had been formed by socialist and radical groups in 1916. During the 1920s it was predominant only in working-class electorates. In its quest for votes, however, Labour increasingly abandoned its socialist theories and adopted welfare and credit-reform proposals, which had wider appeal. In the election of 1935 Labour won a considerable victory; successful in the towns, the party also won in many rural areas. Prices for dairy exports were slowest to recover, and many dairy farmers were drawn by Labour promises of a guaranteed price. The victory was particularly notable in terms of seats, for a right-wing third party (the Democrat Party) split the conservative vote to Labour’s advantage. The National Party, successor to the coalition, was rendered temporarily ineffective.

The new ministers, among whom the most notable were Peter Fraser and Walter Nash, showed great energy. Led by Michael Joseph Savage, they had the good fortune to govern a country to which prosperity was returning. The farmer enjoyed increased earnings; the worker, increased wages and shorter hours. Jobs were multiplied by a public works and housing program. The education system was revitalized. In 1938 the Social Security Act provided a state medical service, extended the pension system, and increased benefits. The expansion of secondary industry was accelerated after the outbreak of World War II in 1939.

 
 

An opencast gold and silver mine in Waihi, North Island, New Zealand.
 
 
WORLD WAR II AND THE POSTWAR DECADES
The alacrity with which New Zealand went to war in 1939 showed that dominion autonomy had not weakened the country’s ties with Great Britain. At first the war resembled that of 1914; troops were sent to Egypt to train for the European conflict. There they were directly involved by the enemy advance there and saw action in Greece, Crete, North Africa, and Italy.

After 1941 New Zealand was directly threatened by Japan, which meant New Zealand had to concentrate forces in the Pacific. Well before the end of the war, the strain upon the country’s manpower, together with the demands of home production, forced a reduction of commitments in the Pacific.

The Pacific theatre was dominated by the United States, the forces of which provided New Zealand’s sole defense. The fact that disaster was averted by American, not British, forces required a change in New Zealand’s attitudes; security was conferred by a foreign, though friendly, power. External relations in the postwar period reflected that new situation, chiefly through the ANZUS pact (1951), a defensive alliance between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States.

At home the entire economy was mobilized in the war effort and subject to controls. Conscription and direction (directed allocation of the labour force to strategic industries) sent manpower into the military forces and essential occupations. Heavy taxation, war loans, bulk purchase, and controlled marketing kept the economy in a firm grip. They also kept inflation in check; with price control and wage restraint, they amounted to a complete policy of economic stabilization, applied by a Labour government that remained in power until 1949. Savage died early in the war. Fraser, his successor, and Nash were chiefly responsible for the tasks of administration during the war and of reconstruction after peace returned.

Sidney Holland led the revival of the National Party, which culminated in victory in 1949. Discontent with controls and with the rising cost of living helped to swing support away from Labour. The National government benefited from its vigorous handling of a serious waterfront dispute in 1951, but in later elections its majority narrowed until Labour returned in 1957.
In 1960 the National Party, led by Keith (later Sir Keith) Jacka Holyoake, was returned to power, which it retained until 1972. In that year Labour won a huge victory under Norman Eric Kirk. His death in office in 1974 was the prelude to as great a National victory in 1975, under a new leader, Robert Muldoon.

  After World War II, New Zealand began to play a relatively independent role in world affairs. That development, in fact, had begun before the war, when the Labour government’s attitude to the League of Nations was coloured by an idealism that clashed with British policy. During the war, Fraser had insisted on an independent voice in the councils of the Allied Powers. At the formation of the United Nations in 1945, he became a notable spokesman for the small powers and made a large impression on the Trusteeship Council. None of those developments weakened New Zealand’s close affinity with Great Britain, its loyalty to the Commonwealth, or its dependence upon the United States.

Geography and insecurity shaped postwar foreign policy. With Australia, New Zealand claimed a voice in settlement in the South Pacific Commission (now the Secretariat of the Pacific Community) and in the transfer of authority in Western Samoa, successfully completed in 1962. New Zealand became deeply involved in Southeast Asia. From 1951 it provided assistance through the Colombo Plan. New Zealanders fought in Malaya (now part of Malaysia), Korea, and Vietnam. Further, New Zealand became a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization in 1954 and supported the United States by sending troops to Vietnam. That reflected fear at the growth of communist power in Asia. The independent spirit of the postwar years was modified to a greater dependence on Western powers during the 1950s and ’60s. In the later 1960s, involvement in the Vietnam War led to a vigorous and continuing public debate on foreign affairs. After Vietnam, debate turned largely on the problem of South African apartheid, especially in the context of sports relations with South Africa and with African countries at Commonwealth and Olympic games.

The 1970s and ’80s were difficult economically for New Zealand. The combination in the early 1970s of high energy prices and Great Britain’s entry into the European Economic Community (later succeeded by the European Union) brought about a severe economic recession. Inflation and unemployment skyrocketed, and thousands emigrated to Australia. The response of Muldoon’s National government was interventionism on an unparalleled scale: the government borrowed funds from overseas and ran up huge budgetary deficits, in part to finance large industrial developments; in the early 1980s it placed a freeze on wages and prices; and it attempted to regulate interest rates. Dissatisfaction with that program led in 1984 to the election of a Labour government, headed by David Lange.

William Hosking Oliver
Sir Keith Sinclair
Raewyn Dalziel

 
 
A major change during that period was the growing participation of women in the workforce and their assertion of rights in the public arena. In the 1970s and ’80s the women’s movement was well organized, and an increasing number of women entered the mainstream political arena or engaged in feminist politics. By the 1990s women had attained the highest governmental offices.
 
 

Sheep grazing, South Island, New Zealand.
 
 
THE LATE 20TH AND EARLY 21ST CENTURIES
The fourth Labour government initiated one of the most-sweeping policy reversals in the country’s history as, one after another, restrictions on free enterprise that had been imposed progressively over some 50 years were removed. Among the reforms, agricultural subsidies were eliminated, income tax rates reduced, and controls on wages, prices, interest rates, and foreign exchange lifted. The government also took a strong stand against the proliferation of nuclear weapons in the region, and its decision to ban nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed vessels from New Zealand’s ports strained relations with the United States. Popular support for the Labour program was reflected by the party’s 1987 general election victory.

In the late 1980s inflation was finally brought under control, but unemployment continued to rise. Prime Minister Lange began to face substantial opposition within his own party, especially as a result of the privatization of state-owned enterprises, which was initiated in 1987, and over his conflict with the finance minister, Roger Douglas. Douglas was pushing for economic measures, such as a flat-scale tax system and deregulation of the labour unions, that the prime minister considered extreme. Lange dismissed Douglas in December 1988, but in August 1989, with the aim of shoring up Labour’s poor standing in the polls, Labour MPs voted to return Douglas to the cabinet. Lange resigned a few days later and was replaced by justice minister Geoffrey (later Sir Geoffrey) Palmer. In just 13 months, however, Palmer was himself replaced by Mike Moore, a former minister of foreign affairs, who held onto the position of prime minister for only eight weeks before the National Party’s landslide victory in the October 1990 general election. James Brendan Bolger, the National leader, became prime minister. The National Party had campaigned for reduced government spending on social programs and the elimination of such labour practices as compulsory unionism but pledged to maintain New Zealand’s antinuclear stand.

The 1993 elections proved to be the closest in some time, with the National Party managing a narrow win over Labour. Though initially facing political uncertainty, Bolger saw his popularity rise with strong economic growth and his condemnation in 1995 of France’s nuclear testing in the South Pacific. In 1996 the country held its first elections under the mixed-member proportional system, which voters had approved by referendum three years earlier. Though no one party managed a majority in the elections, after much negotiation, the National Party formed a coalition government with the small New Zealand First Party. The new administration, however, was plagued by inexperience and factionalism. In addition, inability to allay concerns regarding social welfare issues, particularly the country’s superannuation (retirement savings) scheme, resulted in unrest.

  In November 1997 Bolger resigned, and the National caucus elected Jennifer Shipley as its leader and the country’s first female prime minister. That government, however, also struggled. After Shipley dismissed Winston Peters, of New Zealand First, as deputy prime minister and treasurer in 1998, the coalition between the two parties dissolved.

Shipley was left with a minority government; later that year the country suffered a recession. At the 1999 election the National Party was voted out of office. Labour formed a coalition with Alliance (a breakaway group of smaller parties), and Labour leader Helen Clark became the first directly elected woman prime minister.

That Labour government remained in power for three terms, winning elections in 2002 and 2005. It moved away from the economic liberalization policies of the fourth Labour government, modifying employment relations legislation, providing a minimum wage and income support for families, and developing a voluntary savings plan known as Kiwisaver. Its overall policy was to focus on what New Zealand needed to do to compete in an increasingly global economy while protecting its most vulnerable citizens.

The Labour government returned to a more independent foreign policy, declining to serve in a combat role during the Iraq War and restricting expenditure on the defense forces, at some cost to its close relationship with Australia. The economy expanded under Labour, with low inflation and low unemployment prevailing until 2006, when it started to worsen ahead of the global economic downturn that reached its crisis in 2008.

In the midst of the economic crisis, the tide began to turn against a government that had been in power for nine years. The National Party, under John Key, returned to power in 2008 on a platform of taxation change and a rolling back of what had come to be called “the nanny state.” Winning the most votes but falling short of an absolute majority, the National Party was able to form a government with the support of three smaller parties, including the Maori Party. The latter had formed in 2004 as a result of the Labour government’s denial of Maori claims to customary rights over areas of the country’s shoreline and seabed.

In the 1970s and ’80s Maori had become much more active politically and culturally. Maori activism for social and economic rights intensified; demands included the use of the Maori language in education, broadcasting, and official settings and the preservation of Maori arts and culture.

Arguing from the rights and obligations of the crown set out in the Treaty of Waitangi, Maori sought the return of land and compensation for the loss of access to natural resources that had occurred since 1840.

 
 

Sunset on the Waikato River, Hamilton, New Zealand.
 
 
In 1975 the Treaty of Waitangi Act established a tribunal to examine and make recommendations on Maori claims of crown breaches of the treaty principles. A 1985 amendment to the act permitted claims for historical breaches and opened the way for many more claims. The Waitangi Tribunal investigated the claims and made recommendations to the government. Beginning in the early 1990s, the government approved substantial financial, land, and resource compensation for past injustices. Among the more notable awards were a 1998 monetary settlement with the South Island’s Ngai Tahu tribe that at the time was the largest and oldest land claim in the country’s history, and a 2008 land exchange with a group of seven North Island tribes. The government also apologized for the suffering and injustices inflicted on Maori and made plans to settle all historical grievances within a short period of time.

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries the diversity of New Zealand’s population increased greatly. Immigration increased markedly in the early 1990s, with the introduction of a points-based immigration system that rated applicants on a combination of skills, education, age, offers of employment, and qualifications. Under that system many applicants could qualify to gain residency fairly easily. There was a marked shift in the immigrants’ countries of origin, from traditional sources such as Great Britain to Asia, particularly Taiwan, China, and South Korea. Such growing diversity was accompanied by a debate as to whether New Zealand was still a bicultural country or should be more properly seen as a multicultural society.

In September 2010 a strong earthquake struck Christchurch and its surrounding region; although there were no fatalities, the city suffered extensive damage to buildings and infrastructure. In February 2011 Christchurch was struck by another, far more-damaging earthquake whose epicentre was located just a few miles from the city’s central business district. The quake killed 185 people and devastated the city centre. The rebuilding of the city centre and repairs to damaged housing and roads throughout the city were expected to take several years to complete.

 
 

The Waikato River at Hamilton, New Zealand.
 
 
Raewyn Dalziel
Key won a second term as prime minister when the National Party scored a historic victory in the general election in November 2011, capturing some 48 percent of the vote (the largest total for any party since the advent of mixed-member proportional representation in 1996) and 60 seats in the House of Representatives, along with maintaining the support of its junior partners in the ruling majority coalition. Key remained popular with voters and won a third term in the September 2014 election.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
     
 



World Countries



New Zealand
     
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Tyler's cabinet resigns; Webster Daniel remains Secretary of State
 
 

Daniel Webster
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Lord Melbourne (Whig) resigns as Brit. Prime Minister; succeeded by Sir Peel Robert (Tory)
 
 
Lamb William
 

William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, (born March 15, 1779, London, Eng.—died Nov. 24, 1848, Brocket, near Hatfield, Hertfordshire), British prime minister from July 16 to Nov. 14, 1834, and from April 18, 1835, to Aug. 30, 1841. He was also Queen Victoria’s close friend and chief political adviser during the early years of her reign (from June 20, 1837). Although a Whig and an advocate of political rights for Roman Catholics, he was essentially conservative. Not believing that the world could be bettered through politics, he was always more interested in literature and theology.

 

William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne
  Lamb’s mother, Elizabeth (née Milbanke), was a confidante of the poet Lord Byron and an aunt of Byron’s future wife Anne Isabella (“Annabella”) Milbanke. It was widely believed that the 1st Viscount Melbourne was not Lamb’s real father. In June 1805 Lamb married Lady Caroline Ponsonby, the eccentric daughter of Frederic Ponsonby, 3rd earl of Bessborough. The marriage had failed even before Lady Caroline’s affair with Byron in 1812–13, and, after several estrangements and reconciliations, it ended in separation in 1825, three years before her death. Subsequently, Lamb was named as corespondent in two unsuccessful divorce suits, the second, in 1836, involving the poet Caroline Norton.

Called to the bar in 1804, Lamb entered the House of Commons in 1806. From 1822 he was an avowed supporter of the conservatism of George Canning. From April 1827 to May 1828, in the governments of Canning and Arthur Wellesley, 1st duke of Wellington, he served as chief secretary for Ireland. In 1829 he succeeded to the viscountcy. As home secretary in the 2nd Earl Grey’s ministry (Nov. 16, 1830–July 8, 1834), he reluctantly supported the parliamentary Reform Act of 1832 but forcibly repressed agrarian and industrial radicals, notably the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1834. Consistent with this, he opposed, while prime minister, the reduction of duties on imported grain.

Melbourne’s brief first administration ended with his dismissal by King William IV, who was offended by Whig plans for church reform.

 
 
But Sir Robert Peel’s Conservatives failed to win a parliamentary majority, and Melbourne took office as prime minister once more. After Victoria’s accession he also became her private secretary for a time. Their mutual affection led to Victoria’s Whig partisanship. On May 7, 1839, during the crisis over the “bedchamber question” (the queen insisted her attendants be Whig ladies), Melbourne resigned but soon resumed office when Peel could not form a government.

By early 1840 Great Britain was divided over industrial depression and Chartism (a working-class radical movement) and was fighting wars in China and Afghanistan. Later that year the firm stand of Melbourne and his foreign secretary, Lord Palmerston, averted war with France over Syria. As his parliamentary support dwindled, Melbourne tried to prepare the queen for dealing with a Conservative government unwelcome to her and wisely insisted that she permit her husband, Prince Albert, to assume state responsibilities. He left office after the Conservatives had won the general election of 1841 and was permanently weakened by a stroke on Oct. 23, 1842. He died without children, and the viscountcy went to his brother Frederick James Lamb.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 

Sir Robert Peel, 2nd Baronet
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Kossuth Lajos becomes Hungarian nationalist leader
 
 

Lajos Kossuth
 
 
 
1841
 
 
Turkey's sovereignty guaranteed by the five Great Powers
 
 
 

 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1840 Part IV NEXT-1841 Part II