Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 
 

TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 

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1800 - 1899
 
 
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1831 Part IV NEXT-1832 Part II    
 
 
     
1830 - 1839
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830-1839
History at a Glance
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part I
Webster Daniel
Hayne Robert Young
Webster–Hayne debate
Blaine James
Gascoyne-Cecil Robert Arthur Talbot
French conquest of Algeria
French Revolution of 1830
Charles X
Louis-Philippe
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part II
Francis Joseph I
Elisabeth of Austria
Diaz Porfirio
Gran Colombia
Wartenburg Johann David Ludwig
Petar II Petrovic-Njegos
Grey Charles
November Uprising (1830–31)
Milos Obrenovic I
Mysore
Red Jacket
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part III
William Cobbett: "Rural Rides"
Coulanges Numa Denis
Smith Joseph
Mormon
Honore de Balzac: La Comedie humaine
Dickinson Emily
Emily Dickinson
"Poems"
Genlis Comtesse
Goncourt Jules
Hayne Paul Hamilton
Heyse Paul
Victor Hugo: "Hernani"
Mistral Frederic
Rossetti Christina
Smith Seba
Stendhal: "Le Rouge et le Noir"
Tennyson: "Poems, Chiefly Lyrical"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part IV
Bierstadt Albert
Albert Bierstadt
Corot: "Chartres Cathedral"
Delacroix: "Liberty Guiding the People"
Leighton Frederic
Frederic Leighton
Pissarro Camille
Camille Pissarro
Impressionism Timeline
Ward John Quincy Adams
Waterhouse Alfred
Auber: "Fra Diavolo"
Bellini: "The Capulets and the Montagues"
Bulow Hans
Donizetti: "Anna Bolena"
Goldmark Karl
Karl Goldmark - Violin Concerto No 1
Karl Goldmark
Leschetizky Teodor
Remenyi Eduard
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part V
Reclus Jean Jacques Elisee
Markham Clements Robert
Brown Robert
Hessel Johann Friedrich Christian
Liverpool and Manchester Railway
Lyell Charles
Raoult Francois Marie
Reichenbach Karl
Royal Geographical Society
Thimonnier Barthelemy
Thomson Wyville
Lander Richard Lemon
Charting the Coastline
John Biscoe
Lockwood Belva Ann
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part I
Battle of Ostroleka
Caprivi Leo
Charles Albert
Leopold I of Belgium
Belgian Revolution (1830-1831)
Goschen George Joachim
Turner Nat
Gneisenau August Wilhelm Antonius
Labouchere Henry
Clausewitz Carl
Garfield James Abram
Egyptian–Ottoman War (1831–33)
Russell John
Pedro II of Brazil
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part II
Blavatsky Helena
Gregory XVI
Farrar Frederic William
Gilman Daniel Coit
Harrison Frederic
Miller William
Adventist
White Helen Gould Harmon
Roscoe William
Thomas Isaiah
Winsor Justin
Wright William Aldis
Rutherford Mark
Darby John Nelson
Plymouth Brethren
Balzac: "La Peau de chagrin"
Calverley Charles Stuart
Donnelly Ignatius
Victor Hugo: "Notre Dame de Paris"
Jackson Helen Hunt
Leskov Nikolai
Raabe Wilhelm
Sardou Victorien
Trumbull John
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part III
Begas Reinhold
Reinhold Begas
Meunier Constantin
Constantin Meunier
Bellini: "La Sonnambula"
Bellini: "Norma"
Joachim Joseph
Joseph Joachim - Violin Concerto, Op 11
Joseph Joachim
Meyerbeer: "Robert le Diable"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part IV
Barry Heinrich Anton
Guthrie Samuel
Liebig Justus
Chloroform
Colomb Philip Howard
Darwin and the Beagle
Maxwell James Clerk
North Pole
Routh Edward John
Sauria Marc Charles
Great cholera pandemic
Garrison William Lloyd
Godkin Edwin Lawrence
Hirsch Moritz
Hood John Bell
French Foreign Legion
London Bridge
Pullman George Mortimer
Schofield John
Smith Samuel Francis
Stephan Heinrich
Whiteley William
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part I
Reform Bill
Gentz Friedrich
Roberts Frederick Sleigh
Democratic Party
Clay Henry
Calhoun Caldwell John
"Italian Youth"
Falkland Islands
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-1832
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part II
Bancroft Hubert Howe
Fowler Thomas
Krause Karl Christian Friedrich
Rask Rasmus
Stephen Leslie
Vaughan Herbert Alfred
White Andrew Dickson
Alcott Louisa May
Alger Horatio
Arnold Edwin
Balzac: "Le Colonel Chabert"
Bjornson Bjornstjerne Martinius
Busch Heinrich
Carroll Lewis
Lewis Carroll
Lewis Carroll - photographer

"Alice's Adventures in Wonderland" 
"
Through the Looking-Glass" 
Delavigne Casimir
Echegaray Jose
Washington Irving: "Tales of the Alhambra"
Kennedy John Pendleton
Pellico Silvio
Aleksandr Pushkin: "Eugene Onegin"
Tennyson: "Lady of Shalott"
Watts-Dunton Theodore
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part III
Constable: "Waterloo Bridge from Whitehall Stairs"
Dore Gustave
Gustave Dore
Manet Edouard
Edouard Manet
Orchardson William
William Orchardson
Hughes Arthur
Arthur Hughes
Berlioz: "Symphonie Fantastique"
Damrosch Leopold
Donizetti: "L'Elisir d'Amore"
Garcia Manuel Vicente Rodriguez
Malibran Maria
Viardot Pauline
Garcia Manuel
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part IV
Wundt Wilhelm
Crookes William
Hayes Isaac Israel
Bolyai Janos
Koenig Rodolph
Nordenskiold Nils Adolf Erik
Reaching for the Pole
Nares George Strong
Scarpa Antonio
Vambery Armin
Conway Moncure Daniel
Declaration of Independence, 1776
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part I
Gordon Charles George
Otto of Greece
Amalia of Oldenburg
Randolph John
Harrison Benjamin
Isabella II
Santa Anna Antonio Lopez
Whig Party
Muhammad Ali dynasty
Zollverein
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part II
Bopp Franz
Bradlaugh Charles
Dilthey Wilhelm
Fawcett Henry
Furness Horace Howard
Ingersoll Robert Green
Pusey Edward Bouverie
Alarcon Pedro Antonio
Balzac: "Eugenie Grandet"
Booth Edwin
Charles Dickens: "Sketches by Boz"
George Cruikshank. From Charles Dickens, Sketches by Boz, 1836.
Gordon Adam Lindsay
Lamb: "Last Essays of Elia"
Longfellow: "Outre-Mer"
Morris Lewis
George Sand: "Lelia"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part III
Burne-Jones Edward
Edward Burne-Jones
Rops Felicien
Felicien Rops
Guerin Pierre-Narcisse
Pierre-Narcisse Guerin
Herold Ferdinand
Ferdinand Herold - Piano Concerto No.2
Ferdinand Herold
Brahms Johannes
Brahms - Hungarian Dances
Johannes Brahms
Chopin: Etudes Op.10 & 25
Heinrich Marschner: "Hans Heiling"
Mendelssohn: "Italian Symphony"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part IV
Weber Wilhelm Eduard
Muller Johannes Peter
Roscoe Henry Enfield
Wheatstone bridge
Back George
Factory Acts
Burnes Alexander
Home Daniel Dunglas
Nobel Alfred
SS "Royal William"
Slavery Abolition Act 1833
General Trades Union in New York
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part I
Grenville William Wyndham
Grand National Consolidated Trades Union
Quadruple Alliance
Peel Robert
South Australia Colonisation Act 1834
Xhosa Wars
Cape Colony
Carlism
First Carlist War
Battle of Alsasua
Battle of Alegria de Alava
Battle of Venta de Echavarri
Battle of Mendaza
First Battle of Arquijas
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part II
Acton John Emerich
Eliot Charles William
Gibbons James
Seeley John Robert
Spurgeon Charles
Treitschke Heinrich
Maurier George
Balzac: "Le Pere Goriot"
Bancroft George
Blackwood William
Edward Bulwer-Lytton: "The Last Days of Pompeii"
Dahn Felix
Frederick Marryat: "Peter Simple"
Alfred de Musset: "Lorenzaccio"
Pushkin: "The Queen of Spades"
Shorthouse Joseph Henry
Stockton Frank Richard
Browne Charles Farrar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part III
Perov Vasily
Vasily Perov
Bartholdi Frederic Auguste
Degas Edgar
Edgar Degas
Ingres: "Martyrdom of Saint Symphorian"
Whistler James McNeill
James McNeill Whistler
Morris William
William Morris
Adolphe Adam: "Le Chalet"
Barnett John
John Barnett: "The Mountain Sylph"
John Barnett
Berlioz: "Harold en Italie"
Borodin Aleksandr
Alexander Borodin: Prince Igor
Aleksandr Borodin
Elssler Fanny
Kreutzer Conradin
Kreutzer - Das Nachtlager in Granada
Konradin Kreutzer
Santley Charles
Ponchielli Amilcare
 Amilcare Ponchielli - Dance of the Hours
Amilcare Ponchielli
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part IV
Haeckel Ernst
Arago Francois
Buch Leopold
Faraday: "Law of Electrolysis"
Langley Samuel Pierpont
McCormick Cyrus Hall
Mendeleyev Dmitry
Runge Friedlieb Ferdinand
Phenol
Steiner Jakob
Depew Chauncey Mitchell
Burning of Parliament
Gabelsberger Franz Xaver
Hansom Joseph Aloysius
Hunt Walter
Lloyd's Register
Poor Law Amendment Act 1834
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part I
Ferdinand I of Austria
Bernstorff Christian Gunther
Brisson Henri
Masayoshi Matsukata
Olney Richard
Lee Fitzhugh
Municipal Corporations Act 1835
Palma Tomas Estrada
Riyad Pasha
White George Stuart
Second Seminole War
Texas Revolution (1835 – 1836)
Battle of Gonzales
Siege of Bexar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part II
Leake William Martin
Abbott Lyman
Brooks Phillips
Caird Edward
Dahlmann Friedrich
Finney Charles Grandison
Harris William Torrey
Hensen Viktor
Jevons William Stanley
Skeat Walter William
Cousin Victor
Strauss David Friedrich
Giacomo Leopardi: "Canti"
Austin Alfred
Butler Samuel
Gaboriau Emile
Hemans Felicia Dorothea
Hogg James
Ireland William Henry
Mathews Charles
Menken Adah Isaacs
Simms William Gilmore
Mark Twain
Carducci Giosue
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part III
Constable: "The Valley Farm"
Corot: "Hagar in the Desert"
Defregger Franz
Kunichika Toyohara
Toyohara Kunichika
Cui Cesar
Cesar Cui "Orientale"
Cesar Cui
Donizetti: "Lucia di Lammermoor"
Halevy Fromental
Halevy: "La Juive"
Placido Domingo - Rachel, quand du Seigneur
Fromental Halevy
Saint-Saens Camille
Camille Saint-Saens - Danse Macabre
Camille Saint-Saens
Thomas Theodore
Wieniawski Henri
Wieniawski - Polonaise de Concert in D major No. 1, Op. 4
Henri Wieniawski
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part IV
Newcomb Simon
Schiaparelli Giovanni Virginio
Geikie Archibald
Chaillu Paul
Locomotive: Electric traction
Talbot Wiliam Henry Fox
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society
Sacher-Masoch Leopold Ritter
Masochism
Heth Joice
Bennett James Gordon
Carnegie Andrew
Chubb Charles
Colt Samuel
Field Marshall
Green Henrietta Howland
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part I
Crockett Davy
Houston Sam
Battle of the Alamo
Battle of San Jacinto
BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO
Cannon Joseph Gurney
Chartism
Arkansas
Chamberlain Joseph
Campbell-Bannerman Henry
Great Trek
Voortrekker
Xhosa
Inoue Kaoru
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part II
Ralph Waldo Emerson: "Nature"
Ramakrishna
Aldrich Thomas Bailey
Besant Walter
Frederick Marryat: "Mr. Midshipman Easy"
Burnand Francis Cowley
Carlyle: "Sartor Resartus"
Dickens: "Pickwick Papers"
Eckermann Johann Peter
Gilbert William Schwenk
Gogol: "The Government Inspector"
Harte Bret
Newell Robert Henry
Reuter Fritz
Pusckin: "The Captain's Daughter"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part III
Alma-Tadema Lawrence
Lawrence Alma-Tadema
Corot: "Diana Surprised by Actaeon"
Fantin-Latour Henri
Henri Fantin-Latour
Homer Winslow
Winslow Homer
Lefebvre Jules Joseph
Jules Joseph Lefebvre
Lenbach Franz
Franz von Lenbach
Poynter Edward
Edward Poynter
Tissot James
James Tissot
Carle Vernet
Carle Vernet
Adolphe Adam: "Le Postilion de long jumeau"
Delibes Leo
Delibes - Lakme - Flower duet
Leo Delibes
Reicha Antoine
Glinka: "A Life for the Tzar"
Mendelssohn: "St. Paul"
Meyerbeer: "Les Huguenots"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part IV
Bergmann Ernst
Daniell John Frederic
Davy Edmund
Ericsson John
Gray Asa
Lockyer Norman
Colt's Manufacturing Company
Crushed stone
Schwann Theodor
Pepsin
Schimper Karl Friedrich
Gould Jay
"The Lancers"
Ross Betsy
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part I
William IV, King of Great Britain
Michigan
Van Buren Martin
Cleveland Grover
Itagaki Taisuke
Holstein Friedrich
Boulanger Georges
Carnot Sadi
Caroline affair
Ernest Augustus I of Hanover
Rebellions of 1837
Lafontaine Louis-Hippolyte
Baldwin Robert
Sitting Bull
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part II
Thomas Carlyle: "The French Revolution"
Green John Richard
Lyon Mary
Mount Holyoke College
Mann Horace
Moody Dwight
Murray James
Oxford English Dictionary
Old School–New School Controversy
Balzac: "Illusions perdues"
Nathaniel Hawthorne: "Twice-told Tales"
Braddon Mary Elizabeth
Eggleston Edward
Ebers Georg
Howells William Dean
Swinburne Algernon Charles
Wyndham Charles
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part III
Carolus-Duran
Carolus-Duran
Legros Alphonse
Alphonse Legros
Marees Hans
Hans von Marees
Auber: "Le Domino  noir"
Balakirev Mily
Balakirev - Symphony No.1
Mily Balakirev
Berlioz: "Requiem"
Dubois Theodore
Theodore Dubois - Piano Concerto No. 2
Theodore Dubois
Lesueur Jean-Francois
Lesueur: Coronation music for Napoleon I
Jean-François Lesueur
Lortzing: "Zar und Zimmermann"
Cosima Wagner
Waldteufel Emile
Emile Waldteufel - waltzes
Emile Waldteufel
Zingarelli Niccolo
Nicola Antonio Zingarelli - Tre ore dell'Agonia
Nicola Zingarelli
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part IV
Analytical Engine
Borsig August
Burroughs John
Cooke William
Telegraph
d'Urville Jules Dumont
Kuhne Wilhelm
Van der Waals Johannes Diderik
Fitzherbert Maria Anne
Hanna Mark
Lovejoy Elijah
Morgan John Pierpont
Pitman Isaac
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part I
Osceola
Gambetta Leon
Weenen Massacre
Battle of Blood River
Anti-Corn Law League
Cobden Richard
Bright John
Rodgers John
Weyler Valeriano
Wood Henry Evelyn
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part II
Adams Henry
Bowditch Nathaniel
Bryce Viscount
Montagu Corry, 1st Baron Rowton
Lecky William Edward Hartpole
Lounsbury Thomas Raynesford
Mach Ernst
Mohler Johann Adam
Sacy Antoine Isaac Silvestre
Sidgwick Henry
Trevelyan George Otto
Lytton: "The Lady of Lyons"
Daly Augustin
Dickens: "Oliver Twist"
Victor Hugo: "Ruy Blas"
Irving Henry
Villiers de l'Isle-Adam
Rachel Felix
Roe Edward Payson
Schwab Gustav Benjamin
Scudder Horace Elisha
Creevey Thomas
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part III
Dalou Jules
Jules Dalou
Mauve Anton
Anton Mauve
Richardson Hobson Henry
Henry Hobson Richardson
Fortuny Maria
Maria Fortuny
Berlioz: "Benvenuto Cellini"
Bizet Georges
Bizet - Carmen - Habanera
Georges Bizet
Bruch Max
Max Bruch - Violinkonzert Nr. 1
Max Bruch
Lind Johanna Maria
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part IV
Abbe Cleveland
Cournot Antoine-Augustin
Daguerre-Niepce method of photography
Dulong Pierre-Louis
Hyatt Alpheus
Muir John
Perkin William Henry
Stevens John
Zeppelin Ferdinand
Belleny John
United States Exploring Expedition
Wilkes Charles
Hill Octavia
Wanamaker John
Woodhull Victoria
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part I
Uruguayan Civil War (1839-1851)
Rudini Antonio Starabba
Treaty of London
First Opium War (1839-1842)
Richter Eugen
Frederick VI of Denmark
Christian VIII of Denmark
Natalia Republic
Abdulmecid I
Ranjit Singh
Van Rensselaer Stephen
Cervera Pascual
First Anglo-Afghan War
Anglo-Afghan Wars
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part II
Fesch Joseph
Paris Gaston
Peirce Charles Sanders
Reed Thomas
Anzengruber Ludwig
Sparks Jared
Galt John
Herne James
Longfellow: "Hyperion"
De Morgan William
Ouida
Dickens:  "Nicholas Nickleby"
Pater Walter
Рое: "The Fall of the House of Usher"
Praed Winthrop Mackworth
Smith James
Sully-Prudhomme Armand
Stendhal: "La Chartreuse de Parme"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part III
Beechey William
William Beechey
Cezanne Paul
Paul Cezanne
Sisley Alfred
Alfred Sisley
Thoma Hans
Hans Thoma
Yoshitoshi Tsukioka
Tsukioka Yoshitoshi
Gomes Antonio Carlos
Antonio Carlos Gomes - Il Guarany - Ouverture
Antonio Carlos Gomes
Moussorgsky Modest
Moussorgsky - Boris Godunov
Modest Mussorgsky
Paine John Knowles
John Knowles Paine - Symphony No.1
John Knowles Paine
Randall James Rider
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part IV
Crozier Francis Rawdon Moira
Grey George
Into the Interior
Garnier Frangois
Goodyear Charles
Vulcanization
Jacobi Moritz
Mosander Carl Gustaf
Przhevalsky Nikolay
Smith William
Mond Ludwig
Stephens John Lloyd
Catherwood Frederick
George Henry
Kundt August
Schonbein Christian Friedrich
Steinheil Carl August
Doubleday Abner
Macmillan Kirkpatrick
Cadbury George
Cunard Samuel
Cunard Line
Grand National
Lowell John
Lowell Institute
Rockefeller John
Stanhope Hester Lucy
Weston Edward Payson
Willard Frances
 
 
 

The Duke of Reichstadt (Napoleon Francois-Joseph Charles), son of Napoleon
 
 
 
 
 HISTORY, RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, ART, LITERATURE, MUSIC, SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, DAILY LIFE
 
 
 
 
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
 
 
 
1832 Part I
 
 
 
1832
 
 
 
Mehemet Ali (Muhammad Ali of Egypt), Viceroy of Egypt, defeats the Turks in Syria
 
 
see also: Egyptian–Ottoman War (1831–33)
 
 
 
1832
 
 
Mass demonstrations at Hambach, Germany, in favor of the liberal and national cause
 
 
 
1832
 
 
The First Reform Act to enfranchise the upper-middle classes passed by the House of Lords; number of voters
increased from 500,000 to 1,000,000
 
 
Reform Bill
 

Reform Bill, any of the British parliamentary bills that became acts in 1832, 1867, and 1884–85 and that expanded the electorate for the House of Commons and rationalized the representation of that body. The first Reform Bill primarily served to transfer voting privileges from the small boroughs controlled by the nobility and gentry to the heavily populated industrial towns. The two subsequent bills provided a more democratic representation by expanding voting privileges from the upper levels of property holders to less-wealthy and broader segments of the population.

 
The first Reform Bill was necessitated chiefly by glaring inequalities in representation between traditionally enfranchised rural areas and the rapidly growing cities of newly industrial England. For example, such large industrial centres as Birmingham and Manchester were unrepresented, while parliamentary members continued to be returned from numerous so-called “rotten boroughs,” which were virtually uninhabited rural districts, and from “pocket boroughs,” where a single powerful landowner or peer could almost completely control the voting. The sparsely populated county of Cornwall returned 44 members, while the City of London, with a population exceeding 100,000, returned only 4 members.

The first Reform Bill was authored by then prime minister Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey, and was introduced into the House of Commons in March 1831 by John Russell; it passed by one vote but did not pass in the House of Lords. An amended Reform Bill passed the Commons without difficulty the following October but again failed to pass the House of Lords, creating a public outcry in favour of the bill.

When a third Reform Bill passed the Commons but was thrown out in the Lords on an amendment, Grey in desperation proposed in May 1832 that King William IV grant him authority for the creation of 50 or more Liberal peers—enough to carry the bill in the still-obstinate House of Lords.
William refused, and when Grey threatened to resign as prime minister, the king called in the duke of Wellington to try to form a new government.

  When Wellington tried and failed, the king yielded to Grey and pledged the authority for the creation of new peers. The threat was enough. The bill passed in the House of Lords (those who objected abstaining), and it became law June 4, 1832.

The First Reform Act reformed the antiquated electoral system of Britain by redistributing seats and changing the conditions of the franchise. Fifty-six English boroughs lost their representation entirely; Cornwall’s representation was reduced to 13; 42 new English boroughs were created; and the total electorate was increased by 217,000. Electoral qualifications were also lowered to permit many smaller property holders to vote for the first time. Although the bill left the working classes and large sections of the lower middle classes without the vote, it gave the new middle classes a share in responsible government and thus quieted political agitation. However, the Act of 1832 was in essence a conservative measure designed to harmonize upper- and middle-class interests while continuing traditional landed influence. The Second Reform Act, 1867, largely the work of the Tory Benjamin Disraeli, gave the vote to many workingmen in the towns and cities and increased the number of voters to 938,000. The Third Reform Act of 1884–85 extended the vote to agricultural workers, while the Redistribution Act of 1885 equalized representation on the basis of 50,000 voters per each single-member legislative constituency. Together these two acts tripled the electorate and prepared the way for universal male suffrage.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1832
 
 
Gentz Friedrich
 

Friedrich Gentz, also called Friedrich Von Gentz (born May 2, 1764, Breslau, Silesia, Prussia [now Wrocław, Pol.]—died June 9, 1832, Vienna, Austria), German political journalist, famous for his writings against the principles of the French Revolution and Napoleon and as a confidential adviser of Metternich. Though a commoner, he sometimes affected the von of nobility, having received a Swedish knighthood in 1804.

 

Friedrich Von Gentz
  Early life and career.
Gentz’s father was a Prussian civil servant; his mother came from the French Huguenot colony of Berlin, with which young Gentz liked to associate. Up to an advanced age, he wrote his diaries in French, displaying in that language the same limpid elegance that distinguished his German. He studied under the German philosopher Immanuel Kant in Königsberg (now Kaliningrad, Russia) but was essentially self-taught, acquiring historical, juridical, and economic knowledge from books, chiefly English works. In 1785 Gentz entered the Prussian civil service in Berlin and in 1793 became a secretary in the War Office. With the outbreak of the French Revolution, Gentz began his career as a political writer. As a pupil of Immanuel Kant, he had at first hailed the Revolution as the “awakening of mankind.” But he soon began to criticize the Revolution and ended by combatting it. In 1793 he published a German translation of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France; thereafter, Burke, the great English conservative, remained for Gentz the master whose ideas most closely reflected his own and whose style he admired and imitated. In two periodicals he acquired or founded anew, Neue deutsche Monatsschrift and Historisches Journal, as well as in brochures published at irregular intervals from 1800 on, Gentz continued to analyze the great drama that unfolded in France. Gentz’s writings of 1795–1802 are still uncannily topical. His attitude, which would now be called that of a conservative liberal, made him advocate the preservation of civic liberties against autocratic egalitarianism, the defense of the rule of law throughout Europe against illegitimate imperialism, and the maintenance of the equilibrium of powers against the encroachments of the one universal state, which, in his view, all French governments after 1793 were bound to strive for.
 
 
In particular, Gentz pointed out the differences between the American and the French revolutions, seeing in the former a defense of historical rights against British usurpation, in the latter an antihistorical, aggressive, ideology-laden undertaking. These political investigations were complemented by economic research, as in the great essay Über die britische Finanzverwaltung (“On British Financial Administration”).

As a politician, Gentz strove for a coalition of “Free Europe” against French despotism. But, since Prussia observed a policy of strict neutrality during the period 1795–1806, Gentz’s position in Berlin became increasingly untenable. In 1803 he accordingly moved to Vienna, the centre, as he hoped, of the Continent’s resistance to Napoleon. The net result of his advocacy, however, was a series of disappointments: the War of the Third Coalition (1805–07) ended with the allied defeat at the Battle of Austerlitz and a rapprochement between Russia and France, and the Fourth Coalition ended with a Franco-Austrian alliance cemented by Napoleon’s marriage to a Habsburg archduchess. Gentz found himself in a state of melancholy isolation; by 1810 his advocacy of European freedom had begun to weaken.

 
 

Friedrich Von Gentz
  Association with Metternich.
Gentz’s friendship with the new Austrian foreign minister, Prince von Metternich, helped him gain access to the Vienna state chancery, this time with the regular title of Hofrat (privy councillor). Metternich, whom he admired as a skeptical, worldly-wise man of affairs and a pragmatic politician, became his mentor; Gentz, in turn, became the all-powerful minister’s propagandist and confidential adviser. The War of Liberation that began with Napoleon’s catastrophe in Russia and ended with his overthrow evoked little enthusiasm in Gentz’s tired spirit. He reached the peak of success at a time when his energies had already begun to flag. Gentz was allowed to officiate as secretary general of the great congresses of the immediate post-Napoleonic era—those held at Vienna, Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), Troppau, Laibach, and Verona. It was a position that entailed many advantages by way of orders and decorations, influence, and money. As he had earlier formulated the Austrian and Prussian war manifestos against Napoleon, so he now wrote up, with the same untiring skill, the protocols of these European congresses. These activities were of a rigidly conservative and purely defensive nature. The idea of “European freedom” was replaced by the old order of the Continent, an idealized 18th century, which Gentz defended against the 19th. The last chapter in Gentz’s life was a personal one: his liaison, at the age of 66, with young Fanny Elssler, a ballerina. It was his final triumph and his first complete happiness, and, when it paled, he soon died. His possessions had to be auctioned off in order to satisfy the creditors. Metternich paid for the funeral.

Golo Mann

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1832
 
 
The Duke of Reichstadt (Napoleon Francois-Joseph Charles), son of Napoleon, d. (b. 1811)
 
 

Napoleon II on his death bed, engraving by Franz Xaver Stöber
 
 
 
1832
 
 
Roberts Frederick Sleigh
 

Field Marshal Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts (30 September 1832 – 14 November 1914) was a British soldier who was one of the most successful commanders of the 19th century. He served in the Indian rebellion, the Expedition to Abyssinia and the Second Anglo-Afghan War before leading British Forces to success in the Second Boer War. He also became the last Commander-in-Chief of the Forces before the post was abolished in 1904.

 

Field Marshal Frederick Sleigh Roberts,
1st Earl Roberts
  Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts, also called (from 1892) Baron Roberts Of Kandahar (born Sept. 30, 1832, Cawnpore, India—died Nov. 14, 1914, Saint-Omer, Fr.), British field marshal, an outstanding combat leader in the Second Afghan War (1878–80) and the South African War (1899–1902), and the last commander in chief of the British Army (1901–04; office then abolished). Foreseeing World War I, he was one of the earliest advocates of compulsory military service. Roberts first distinguished himself during the suppression of the Indian Mutiny (1857–58). On Sept. 1, 1880, he scored the decisive victory of the Second Afghan War, defeating Ayub Khan’s Afghan Army near Qandahār. From 1885 to 1893 he was commander in chief in India. As the second British commander in chief (December 1899–November 1900) in the South African War, he ended a succession of British defeats; captured Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange Free State Republic (March 13, 1900), and annexed that Boer state as the Orange River Colony (May 24); took the cities of Johannesburg (May 31) and Pretoria (June 5); and defeated Boer commandos at Bergendal (August 27). A field marshal from 1895, he gave way to Horatio Herbert Kitchener as commander in chief in South Africa in November 1900. Roberts was created a baron in 1892 and an earl and viscount in 1901. Both of his sons having predeceased him, the barony became extinct, but the earldom and viscounty devolved, in turn, on his elder and younger surviving daughters.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1832
 
 
Jackson Andrew, nominated by the newly styled "Democratic Party," reelected President of the U.S., defeating Henry Clay
 
 
Democratic Party
 

Democratic Party, in the United States, one of the two major political parties, the other being the Republican Party.

The Democratic Party has changed significantly during its more than two centuries of existence. During the 19th century the party supported or tolerated slavery, and it opposed civil rights reforms after the Civil War in order to retain the support of Southern voters. By the mid-20th century it had undergone a dramatic ideological realignment and reinvented itself as a party supporting organized labour, the civil rights of minorities, and progressive reform. Since President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s, the party has also tended to favour greater government intervention in the economy and to oppose government intervention in the private, noneconomic affairs of citizens. The logo of the Democratic Party, the donkey, was popularized by cartoonist Thomas Nast in the 1870s; though widely used, it has never been officially adopted by the party.

 
History
The Democratic Party is the oldest political party in the United States and among the oldest political parties in the world. It traces its roots to 1792, when followers of Thomas Jefferson adopted the name Republican to emphasize their antimonarchical views. The Republican Party, also known as the Jeffersonian Republicans, advocated a decentralized government with limited powers. Another faction to emerge in the early years of the republic, the Federalist Party, led by Alexander Hamilton, favoured a strong central government. Jefferson’s faction developed from the group of Anti-Federalists who had agitated in favour of the addition of a Bill of Rights to the Constitution of the United States. The Federalists called Jefferson’s faction the Democratic-Republican Party in an attempt to identify it with the disorder spawned by the “radical democrats” of the French Revolution of 1789. After the Federalist John Adams was elected president in 1796, the Republican Party served as the country’s first opposition party, and in 1798 the Republicans adopted the derisive Democratic-Republican label as their official name.
 
The donkey party logo is still a well-known symbol for the Democratic Party, despite not being the official logo of the party.
 
 
In 1800 Adams was defeated by Jefferson, whose victory ushered in a period of prolonged Democratic-Republican dominance. Jefferson won reelection easily in 1804, and Democratic-Republicans James Madison (1808 and 1812) and James Monroe (1816 and 1820) were also subsequently elected. By 1820 the Federalist Party had faded from national politics, leaving the Democratic-Republicans as the country’s sole major party and allowing Monroe to run unopposed in that year’s presidential election.

During the 1820s new states entered the union, voting laws were relaxed, and several states passed legislation that provided for the direct election of presidential electors by voters (electors had previously been appointed by state legislatures). These changes split the Democratic-Republicans into factions, each of which nominated its own candidate in the presidential election of 1824. The party’s congressional caucus nominated William H. Crawford of Georgia, but Andrew Jackson and John Quincy Adams, the leaders of the party’s two largest factions, also sought the presidency; Henry Clay, the speaker of the House of Representatives, was nominated by the Kentucky and Tennessee legislatures.

Jackson won the most popular and electoral votes, but no candidate received the necessary majority in the electoral college. When the election went to the House of Representatives (as stipulated in the Constitution), Clay—who had finished fourth and was thus eliminated from consideration—threw his support to Adams, who won the House vote and subsequently appointed Clay secretary of state.
 
 
Despite Adams’s victory, differences between the Adams and the Jackson factions persisted. Adams’s supporters, representing Eastern interests, called themselves the National Republicans. Jackson, whose strength lay in the South and West, referred to his followers simply as Democrats (or as Jacksonian Democrats). Jackson defeated Adams in the 1828 presidential election. In 1832 in Baltimore, Maryland, at one of the country’s first national political conventions (the first convention had been held the previous year by the Anti-Masonic Movement), the Democrats nominated Jackson for president, drafted a party platform, and established a rule that required party presidential and vice presidential nominees to receive the votes of at least two-thirds of the national convention delegates. This rule, which was not repealed until 1936, effectively ceded veto power in the selection process to minority factions, and it often required conventions to hold dozens of ballots to determine a presidential nominee. (The party’s presidential candidate in 1924, John W. Davis, needed more than 100 ballots to secure the nomination.) Jackson easily won reelection in 1836, but his various opponents—who derisively referred to him as “King Andrew”—joined with former National Republicans to form the Whig Party, named for the English political faction that had opposed absolute monarchy in the 17th century.  
Jackson Andrew
 
 
Slavery and the emergence of the bipartisan system
From 1828 to 1856 the Democrats won all but two presidential elections (1840 and 1848). During the 1840s and ’50s, however, the Democratic Party, as it officially named itself in 1844, suffered serious internal strains over the issue of extending slavery to the Western territories. Southern Democrats, led by Jefferson Davis, wanted to allow slavery in all the territories, while Northern Democrats, led by Stephen A. Douglas, proposed that each territory should decide the question for itself through referendum. The issue split the Democrats at their 1860 presidential convention, where Southern Democrats nominated John C. Breckinridge and Northern Democrats nominated Douglas. The 1860 election also included John Bell, the nominee of the Constitutional Union Party, and Abraham Lincoln, the candidate of the newly established (1854) antislavery Republican Party (which was unrelated to Jefferson’s Republican Party of decades earlier). With the Democrats hopelessly split, Lincoln was elected president with only about 40 percent of the national vote; in contrast, Douglas and Breckinridge won 29 percent and 18 percent of the vote, respectively.

The election of 1860 is regarded by most political observers as the first of the country’s three “critical” elections—contests that produced sharp yet enduring changes in party loyalties across the country. (Some scholars also identify the 1824 election as a critical election.) It established the Democratic and Republican parties as the major parties in what was ostensibly a two-party system. In federal elections from the 1870s to the 1890s, the parties were in rough balance—except in the South, where the Democrats dominated because most whites blamed the Republican Party for both the American Civil War (1861–65) and the Reconstruction (1865–77) that followed; the two parties controlled Congress for almost equal periods through the rest of the 19th century, though the Democratic Party held the presidency only during the two terms of Grover Cleveland (1885–89 and 1893–97). Repressive legislation and physical intimidation designed to prevent newly enfranchised African Americans from voting—despite passage of the Fifteenth Amendment—ensured that the South would remain staunchly Democratic for nearly a century (see black code). During Cleveland’s second term, however, the United States sank into an economic depression. The party at this time was basically conservative and agrarian-oriented, opposing the interests of big business (especially protective tariffs) and favouring cheap-money policies, which were aimed at maintaining low interest rates.

  A difficult transition to progressivism
In the country’s second critical election, in 1896, the Democrats split disastrously over the free-silver and Populist program of their presidential candidate, William Jennings Bryan. Bryan lost by a wide margin to Republican William McKinley, a conservative who supported high tariffs and money based only on gold. From 1896 to 1932 the Democrats held the presidency only during the two terms of Woodrow Wilson (1913–21), and even Wilson’s presidency was considered somewhat of a fluke. Wilson won in 1912 because the Republican vote was divided between President William Howard Taft (the official party nominee) and former Republican president Theodore Roosevelt, the candidate of the new Bull Moose Party. Wilson championed various progressive economic reforms, including the breaking up of business monopolies and broader federal regulation of banking and industry. Although he led the United States into World War I to make the world “safe for democracy,” Wilson’s brand of idealism and internationalism proved less attractive to voters during the spectacular prosperity of the 1920s than the Republicans’ frank embrace of big business. The Democrats lost decisively the presidential elections of 1920, 1924, and 1928.

The New Deal coalition
The country’s third critical election, in 1932, took place in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929 and in the midst of the Great Depression. Led by Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democrats not only regained the presidency but also replaced the Republicans as the majority party throughout the country—in the North as well as the South. Through his political skills and his sweeping New Deal social programs, such as social security and the statutory minimum wage, Roosevelt forged a broad coalition—including small farmers, Northern city dwellers, organized labour, European immigrants, liberals, intellectuals, and reformers—that enabled the Democratic Party to retain the presidency until 1952 and to control both houses of Congress for most of the period from the 1930s to the mid-1990s. Roosevelt was reelected in 1936, 1940, and 1944; he was the only president to be elected to more than two terms. Upon his death in 1945 he was succeeded by his vice president, Harry S. Truman, who was narrowly elected in 1948.

The civil rights era
Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower, the supreme Allied commander during World War II, won overwhelming victories against Democrat Adlai E. Stevenson in the presidential elections of 1952 and 1956. The Democrats regained the White House in the election of 1960, when John F. Kennedy narrowly defeated Eisenhower’s vice president, Richard M. Nixon.

 
 
The Democrats’ championing of civil rights and racial desegregation under Truman, Kennedy, and especially Lyndon B. Johnson—who secured passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—cost the party the traditional allegiance of many of its Southern supporters. Although Johnson defeated Republican Barry M. Goldwater by a landslide in 1964, his national support waned because of bitter opposition to the Vietnam War, and he chose not to run for reelection. Following the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy in 1968, the party nominated Johnson’s vice president, Hubert H. Humphrey, at a fractious convention in Chicago that was marred by violence outside the hall between police and protesters. Meanwhile, many Southern Democrats supported the candidacy of Alabama Governor George C. Wallace, an opponent of federally mandated racial integration. In the 1968 election Humphrey was soundly defeated by Nixon in the electoral college (among Southern states Humphrey carried only Texas), though he lost the popular vote by only a narrow margin.
 
 
From Watergate to a new millennium
From 1972 to 1988 the Democrats lost four of five presidential elections. In 1972 the party nominated antiwar candidate George S. McGovern, who lost to Nixon in one of the biggest landslides in U.S. electoral history. Two years later the Watergate scandal forced Nixon’s resignation, enabling Jimmy Carter, then the Democratic governor of Georgia, to defeat Gerald R. Ford, Nixon’s successor, in 1976. Although Carter orchestrated the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, his presidency was plagued by a sluggish economy and by the crisis over the kidnapping and prolonged captivity of U.S. diplomats in Iran following the Islamic revolution there in 1979.

Carter was defeated in 1980 by conservative Republican Ronald W. Reagan, who was easily reelected in 1984 against Carter’s vice president, Walter F. Mondale. Mondale’s running mate, Geraldine A. Ferraro, was the first female candidate on a major-party ticket. Reagan’s vice president, George Bush, defeated Massachusetts Governor Michael S. Dukakis in 1988. Despite its losses in the presidential elections of the 1970s and ’80s, the Democratic Party continued to control both houses of Congress for most of the period (although the Republicans controlled the Senate from 1981 to 1987).

In 1992 Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton recaptured the White House for the Democrats by defeating Bush and third-party candidate Ross Perot. Clinton’s support of international trade agreements (e.g., the North American Free Trade Agreement) and his willingness to cut spending on social programs to reduce budget deficits alienated the left wing of his party and many traditional supporters in organized labour. In 1994 the Democrats lost control of both houses of Congress, in part because of public disenchantment with Clinton’s health care plan. During Clinton’s second term the country experienced a period of prosperity not seen since the 1920s, but a scandal involving Clinton’s relationship with a White House intern led to his impeachment by the House of Representatives in 1998; he was acquitted by the Senate in 1999. Al Gore, Clinton’s vice president, easily won the Democratic presidential nomination in 2000. In the general election, Gore won 500,000 more popular votes than Republican George W. Bush but narrowly lost in the electoral college after the Supreme Court of the United States ordered a halt to the manual recounting of disputed ballots in Florida.

  The party’s nominee in 2004, John Kerry, was narrowly defeated by Bush in the popular and electoral vote.

Aided by the growing opposition to the Iraq War (2003–11), the Democrats regained control of the Senate and the House following the 2006 midterm elections. This marked the first time in some 12 years that the Democrats held a majority in both houses of Congress. In the general election of 2008 the party’s presidential nominee, Barack Obama, defeated Republican John McCain, thereby becoming the first African American to be elected president of the United States. The Democrats also increased their majority in the Senate and the House.

The party scored another victory in mid-2009, when an eight-month legal battle over one of Minnesota’s Senate seats concluded with the election of Al Franken, a member of the state’s Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party. With Franken in office, Democrats in the Senate (supported by the chamber’s two independents) would be able to exercise a filibuster-proof 60–40 majority. In January 2010 the Democrats lost this filibuster-proof majority when the Democratic candidate lost the special election to fill the unexpired term of Ted Kennedy following his death.

The Democrats’ dominance of Congress proved short-lived, as a swing of some 60 seats (the largest since 1948) returned control of the House to the Republicans in the 2010 midterm election. The Democrats held on to their majority in the Senate, though that majority also was dramatically reduced. Many of the Democrats who had come into office in the 2006 and 2010 elections were defeated, but so too were a number of longtime officeholders; incumbents felt the sting of an electorate that was anxious about the struggling economy and high unemployment. The election also was widely seen as a referendum on the policies of the Obama administration, which were vehemently opposed by a populist upsurge in and around the Republican Party known as the Tea Party movement.

The Democratic Party fared better in the 2012 general election, with Obama defeating his Republican opponent, Mitt Romney. The 2012 election did not change significantly the distribution of power between the two main parties in Congress. While the Democrats retained their majority in the Senate, they were unable to retake the House of Representatives.

 
 
Democratic presidents
Name Periods in office
Andrew Jackson March 4, 1829 – March 4, 1837
Martin Van Buren March 4, 1837 – March 4, 1841
James K. Polk March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849
Franklin Pierce March 4, 1853 – March 4, 1857
James Buchanan March 4, 1857 – March 4, 1861
Andrew Johnson April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869
Grover Cleveland March 4, 1885 – March 4, 1889
March 4, 1893 – March 4, 1897
Woodrow Wilson March 4, 1913 – March 4, 1921
Franklin D. Roosevelt March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945
Harry S. Truman April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1953
John F. Kennedy January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
Lyndon B. Johnson November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
Jimmy Carter January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981
Bill Clinton January 20, 1993 – January 20, 2001
Barack Obama January 20, 2009 – present
 
 
Policy and structure
Despite tracing its roots to Thomas Jefferson—who advocated a less-powerful, more-decentralized federal government—the modern Democratic Party generally supports a strong federal government with powers to regulate business and industry in the public interest; federally financed social services and benefits for the poor, the unemployed, the aged, and other groups; and the protection of civil rights. Most Democrats also endorse a strong separation of church and state, and they generally oppose government regulation of the private, noneconomic lives of citizens.

Regarding foreign policy, Democrats tend to prefer internationalism and multilateralism—i.e., the execution of foreign policy through international institutions such as the United Nations—over isolationism and unilateralism. However, because the party is highly decentralized (as is the Republican Party), it encompasses a wide variety of opinion on certain issues. Although most Democrats favour affirmative action and gun control, for example, some moderate and conservative Democrats oppose those policies or give them only qualified support.

Both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party formulate their platforms quadrennially at national conventions, which are held to nominate the parties’ presidential candidates. The conventions take place in the summer of each presidential election year; by tradition, the incumbent party holds its convention second.

The Democratic National Convention is typically attended by some 4,000 delegates, most of whom are selected during the preceding winter and spring. So-called “superdelegates,” which include members of the Democratic National Committee (the party’s formal governing body) as well as Democratic governors and members of Congress, also participate.

Until the 1970s, few nationwide rules governed the selection of delegates to the Democratic National Convention.

  After the 1968 convention, during which Humphrey was able to secure the Democratic nomination without having won a single primary election or caucus, the party imposed strict rules requiring that states select delegates through primaries or caucuses and that delegates vote on the first ballot for the candidate to whom they are pledged, thus eliminating the direct election of candidates by the conventions. More than 40 states now select delegates to the Democratic convention through primary elections. Virtually all Democratic primaries allocate delegates on a proportional basis, so that the proportion of delegates awarded to a candidate in a state is roughly the same as the proportion of the vote he receives in that state (provided that he receives at least 15 percent). In contrast, almost all Republican presidential primaries award all delegates to the candidate who receives the most votes. Thus, candidates running for the Democratic nomination tend to win at least some delegates in each primary, resulting generally in closer and longer nominating contests. Nevertheless, one candidate usually captures a majority of delegates before the summer nominating convention, leaving the convention simply to ratify the winner.

In addition to confirming the party nominee and adopting the party platform, the national convention formally chooses a national committee to organize the next convention and to govern the party until the next convention is held. The Democratic National Committee (DNC) consists of about 400 party leaders representing all U.S. states and territories. Its chairman is typically named by the party’s presidential nominee and then formally elected by the committee. The DNC has little power, because it lacks direct authority over party members in Congress and even in the states. Democratic members of the House and the Senate organize themselves into party conferences that elect the party leaders of each chamber. In keeping with the decentralized nature of the party, each chamber also creates separate committees to raise and disburse funds for House and Senate election campaigns.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
Clay Henry
 

Henry Clay, byname The Great Pacificator or The Great Compromiser (born April 12, 1777, Hanover county, Virginia, U.S.—died June 29, 1852, Washington, D.C.), American statesman, U.S. congressman (1811–14, 1815–21, 1823–25), and U.S. senator (1806–07, 1810–11, 1831–42, 1849–52) who was noted for his American System (which integrated a national bank, the tariff, and internal improvements to promote economic stability and prosperity) and was a major promoter of the Missouri Compromise (1820) and the Compromise of 1850, both efforts to shield the American union from sectional discord over slavery. Clay was an unsuccessful candidate for president in three general elections, running first in 1824, then as a National Republican (1832), and finally as a Whig (1844).

 

Henry Clay
  Early years
Clay was born on a modest farm in Virginia during the American Revolution. He was the fourth of five surviving siblings. His father, a tobacco farmer and Baptist minister, died when Clay was four years old, but his mother remarried, and Clay’s youth was relatively comfortable. Campaign biographies later portrayed him as rising from poverty, but that depiction ignored an adequate education and family connections that landed him a clerkship under the celebrated Virginia jurist George Wythe, the judge of the state chancery court in Richmond. Wythe introduced Clay to the law and arranged for his legal instruction under state attorney general and former governor Robert Brooke. Clay proved a quick study and was admitted to the bar in 1797. The glut of lawyers in Richmond persuaded him to follow his family to Kentucky, where they had moved in 1791. Clay settled in Lexington in 1797 and soon had a thriving law practice. In addition to handling lucrative cases dealing with disputed land titles, Clay developed a commanding courtroom presence that made him a formidable defense attorney. In 1821 he was the first attorney to file an amicus curiæ (“friend of the court”) brief with the U.S. Supreme Court. He was also possibly the first attorney to use a successful plea of temporary insanity to save from the gallows a client accused of murder. Those strategies were among the innovations that marked him as a legal pioneer.
 
 
As a new resident of Lexington, Clay joined leading citizens to promote civic improvements and support Transylvania University, a prestigious institution where he taught law. He soon became a pillar of the Lexington community, but he also maintained his youthful habits of drinking and gambling that had earned him the nickname “Prince Hal,” a reference to William Shakespeare’s portrait of the future Henry V cavorting with the boozy Sir John Falstaff.

In 1799 Clay married Lucretia Hart, whose family’s wealth, along with Clay’s own industry, eventually made it possible for him to purchase a large farm outside Lexington. He named the farm Ashland after its many blue ash trees (Fraxinus quadrangulata). There he cultivated a variety of grains and bred sheep, blooded (entirely or largely purebred) cattle, and extraordinary race horses. He was a member of one of the first syndicates in the United States to purchase a Thoroughbred stallion for competition and stud service.

Because Clay seemed eager for social advancement and Hart was apparently a plain girl, their marriage has been described as a cold arrangement to save her from spinsterhood while providing him social status and economic security. Traces of Prince Hal’s exuberance remained part of Clay’s personality into his old age, but time and Lucretia’s influence gradually steadied and tempered him. If others thought their marriage devoid of passion, they could have disagreed. They had 11 children. Five were boys, but Clay especially doted on his daughters. To his and Lucretia’s heartbreak, two of the girls did not survive infancy, another died as a child, and the three others passed away in relative youth. Those losses made Clay and Lucretia closer in grief.

The law was a natural path to politics. Clay had a powerful presence, a rich baritone voice, and the agility to speak extemporaneously. He could also memorize long texts for speeches that were persuasive as well as hypnotic. His talent saved him from occasional missteps that could have stalled a lesser man’s career. He enthusiastically promoted the abolition of slavery in Kentucky in the late 1790s, a distinctly unpopular and unsuccessful proposal. Clay defended former vice president and shadowy adventurer Aaron Burr in 1806 before a grand jury that was investigating Burr’s plan to establish an empire in the Southwest. When Burr was later charged with treason, Clay was fortunate that his ties to Burr did not tarnish his national reputation just as it was being established. Also, at some risk, Clay passionately opposed Federalist efforts designed to curb immigration and silence Republican dissent with the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798.

 
 

Henry Clay
  Public office
The boldness of his positions notwithstanding, Clay’s eloquent defense of republican values and national honour endeared him to Kentuckians, who elected him to seven terms in the Kentucky legislature (1803–06, 1807–09). Appointed twice to fill unexpired terms in the U.S. Senate, he was a capable and diligent member of that body too, though he found the Senate’s elaborate rules and artificial courtesies foolish and stultifying. He much preferred the rough-and-tumble U.S. House of Representatives, to which he won election in 1811 and where he became the youngest speaker of the House to that date. In addition to achieving this important post in his freshmen term, Clay transformed the speaker from a mere parliamentarian into a political force whose appointment power over committees and their chairmen increased his control of legislative agendas. As speaker and one of the leaders of the faction called the War Hawks, Clay was key in securing a declaration of war against Great Britain in June 1812. He also served on the American peace delegation at Ghent that negotiated the treaty signed December 24, 1814, which ended the War of 1812.

The experience on that peace commission made him a likely candidate to head Pres. James Monroe’s State Department in 1817, but Monroe chose John Quincy Adams, which infuriated Clay; Clay and Adams had often quarreled while serving together in Ghent.

 
 
Clay remained in the House of Representatives, where his hold on the speakership went largely unchallenged, allowing him to irritate and occasionally hector Monroe and Adams on such issues as establishing diplomatic relations with Latin American republics as they broke away from the Spanish empire. Clay became an outspoken critic of Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson for his unauthorized attack on Spanish forts in Florida in 1818, insisting that Jackson had usurped the exclusive war power of Congress. Jackson never forgave Clay for this criticism, and the two remained enemies for the rest of Jackson’s life.

Faulty recollection—both by Clay’s contemporaries and by some historians—wrongly credited Clay with the creation of the Missouri Compromise of 1820. The amendment that was the linchpin of that measure was actually introduced by Sen. Jesse Thomas of Illinois. Clay’s part in the matter consisted of his securing passage in the House of Representatives through procedural legerdemain.
 
 
On the other hand, Clay was the principal architect of the Second Missouri Compromise, which resolved objections over the proposed Missouri state constitution, an impasse that could have aborted the entire effort at compromise. Clay’s activities in those instances are usually described as laudable examples of his ability to cultivate accommodation between otherwise irreconcilable camps, yet Clay and his colleagues, by avoiding a confrontation over slavery, chose political expediency over human liberty. For Clay, it was a departure from his earlier altruism when confronting slavery in Kentucky, and it would be years before he cast off political convenience to resume a commendable antislavery stance at the end of his life. He then openly condemned slavery and provided for the freedom of his slaves in his will.

Clay was an unsuccessful candidate for the presidency in the election of 1824. He clashed with Jackson amid a crowded field of candidates in which none garnered the required majority in the electoral college, thus leaving the election to be determined by the House of Representatives. The three candidates who won the most electoral votes—Jackson, Adams, and William H. Crawford—were placed before the House, where Clay’s effective methods of coalition building made him the central figure in the vote that made Adams president. Jackson’s supporters were outraged because he had won the popular vote in the general election, but their fury was boundless when Adams then selected Clay for secretary of state. Clay had early decided to support Adams because he thought Jackson unfit for the presidency, but his appointment to the State Department had the look of a cynical trade. Soon Jackson joined his supporters in labeling it a “corrupt bargain.” Every political opponent Clay ever had from that time on would sooner or later revive the charge, and the phrase “corrupt bargain” dogged him for the rest of his life. At first he tried to counter the accusation, even fighting a bloodless duel with eccentric Sen. John Randolph of Virginia for having described Clay as a “blackleg” (cheating gambler). Clay eventually resolved to ignore the attacks, but he was never resigned to them.

Ironically, his alleged prize of the State Department proved a toxic mixture of unrewarding work and foiled initiatives. Clay grew to detest the clerical demands of directing diplomacy, and almost every project he mounted—whether it was U.S. participation in the Pan-American Congress or favourable trade arrangements with Great Britain—was hobbled by foreign intransigence or Jacksonian political mischief (retribution for the 1824 election).
His one notable success involved improved relations with Latin America, an anticipation of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor Policy more than a century later.

  The tireless efforts by Jackson’s operatives to block the iniatives of Adams and Clay resulted in a seemingly foreordained Jackson victory in the presidential election of 1828, which for a time returned Clay to private life. Everyone, including Clay, expected it to be a temporary condition. He returned to Washington, D.C., in 1831 as Kentucky’s junior senator, a subordinate designation that was a mere formality for the man who immediately became the leader of otherwise disparate forces opposing President Jackson.

The Senate was to be Clay’s political home for the rest of his career. Clay, Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, and John C. Calhoun of South Carolina constituted what contemporaries called “the Great Triumvirate.” It marked their contribution to the Senate’s intellectual power and oratory in ways that may never be equaled. In 1957 a special committee headed by Sen. John F. Kennedy solidified the triumvirate’s reputation when it named Clay, Webster, and Calhoun as among the five greatest senators in U.S. history.

Animated by Clay’s dynamic presence and infectious optimism, his followers risked their political fortunes in a fight to secure the early recharter of the Second Bank of the United States, confident that its success in stabilizing the currency and controlling credit would compel Jackson to consent.

They were wrong. Clay suffered one of the most-stinging defeats of his political career when Jackson vetoed the bill that would have rechartered the bank, the primary pillar of Clay’s American System, which was designed to stabilize currency and credit (via the bank), promote American maufactures (through a protective tariff), and create a transportation system to stimulate internal commerce for both agricultural produce and manufactured goods.

The defeat of the bank bill was a prelude to Clay’s loss in the presidential election of 1832, in which he ran as a National Republican. That outcome continued the pattern of triumph for Jackson and defeat for Clay, which went unbroken until Jackson retired from public life at the end of his second term as president in 1837.

Clay did have his successes, however. After he lost both the fight over the bank and his second bid for the presidency, Clay addressed the South Carolina nullification crisis with his compromise tariff of 1833, which gradually lowered tariffs over the following 10 years. Although the controversy was ostensibly about South Carolina’s refusal to collect federal tariffs, many historians believe it was actually rooted in growing Southern fears over the North’s abolition movement. Clay was able to prevent a serious confrontation as defiant South Carolinians were taking up arms and Jackson was threatening force.

 
 

Henry Clay
  The Whig Party years and disappointment
During the 1830s Clay directed the emerging political coalition that eventually styled itself the Whig Party, its very name an indication of its perennially inchoate nature. Calling themselves Whigs (a name borrowed from the British party opposed to royal prerogatives) was a reaction to “King Andrew” Jackson’s overbearing executive behaviour. Beyond their shared hatred of Jackson, however, Whigs rarely agreed on a central governing philosophy and often divided along sectional lines. The election of 1836 illustrated the problem when the party entered its first presidential sweepstakes by running no fewer than three candidates from different parts of the country. Clay was not one of them. The triumph of Martin Van Buren, Jackson’s handpicked successor, was the predictable result. Clay returned to the Senate.

A serious economic panic soon tarnished Van Buren’s victory, and the ensuing depression revived Whig hopes for success in the 1840 election, which Clay understandably expected to be his finest hour. The Whigs, however, nominated former general William Henry Harrison, the hero of the Battle of Tippecanoe, in an effort to emulate the success that Democrats had found with military icon Jackson. Harrison easily defeated Van Buren, who was discredited by the grim financial situation. Clay set aside his disappointment to promote Harrison’s candidacy as eagerly as any fellow Whig. His behaviour defied his enemies’ claims that he was bitter and intent on vindictiveness. On the other hand, those enemies convinced Harrison that Clay was not his friend, which set the stage for a quarrelsome relationship in Congress.

 
 
The situation could have been politically calamitous, but Harrison died in April 1841, just a month after his inauguration. It brought to the presidency Virginian John Tyler, who had been made Harrison’s vice president to balance the ticket geographically, overlooking the fact that Tyler had joined the Whig Party because of his distaste for Jackson rather than any affinity with its principles.
 
 
Tyler was sympathetic to states’ rights Democrats and refused to support the Whig agenda. When Clay shepherded the passage of legislation to reestablish the Bank of the United States, Tyler vetoed it (twice). Frustrated Whigs eventually forced President Tyler out of the party. In 1842, with the Whig program at a standstill, Clay resigned from the Senate and began to lay the groundwork for his presidential candidacy in 1844.

In that quest Clay left nothing to chance, and Whigs for once were finally committed to his cause. Yet Clay stumbled over the issue of annexing Texas and its implications for the expansion of slavery, the most-troubling political problem of the age. Clay repeatedly acknowledged that slavery was wrong while promoting gradual emancipation as a founder of the American Colonization Society, which established Liberia as a home for freeborn blacks and emancipated slaves.

Clay’s sincere promotion of such plans, however, struck Southerners as treacherous and Northerners as hypocritical. The Texas controversy was emblematic of his dilemma, and his efforts to tread the ground between annexation and antislavery satisfied nobody. The Democratic nominee, James K. Polk of Tennessee, openly courted expansionist proponents of Manifest Destiny and won the presidency.

The defeat sent Clay into retirement again, and, because he was 67, it was thought that he had left politics for the final time. The Mexican-American War, however, raised his ire even as it shattered his life. His son Henry Clay, Jr., was killed in 1847 at the Battle of Buena Vista, the clash that ironically made Gen. Zachary Taylor a war hero and that led to Taylor’s nomination as the Whig candidate in the presidential election of 1848.

Clay had greatly desired the nomination for president but was denied it because of his age, his record of electoral defeat, and his opposition to slavery, expansion, and the Mexican-American War.

  The Compromise of 1850 and final years
As several sectional disagreements edged toward critical mass in 1849, Clay was coping with rapidly advancing tuberculosis. Nevertheless, he returned to the U.S. Senate to stanch what he referred to as “bleeding wounds,” which he feared would destroy the United States. He revealed his plan to the Senate in a lengthy speech that consumed two days in the first week of February 1850. It was audacious in proposing a radical way to eliminate slavery in regions where slavery already existed and resolve sectional discord through compromise. Southerners were wary about this and other elements of the proposal. They insisted on eliminating much of the antislavery initiative and bundling different measures into an “Omnibus” bill. The bundling of Clay’s proposals—which included the creation of an aggressive fugitive slave law—into a single bill doomed his original version of the compromise to failure by evoking more opposition in sum than the separate parts would have. As a consequence, others (most notably Sen. Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois) guided the Compromise of 1850 to passage when Clay left the fight, exhausted as well as exasperated. Even so, his reputation and influence were crucial in calming passions and setting the stage for the settlement of 1850 that averted a likely civil war.

The physical demands of this last struggle for the union accelerated Clay’s decline. He had long been confined to his rooms at Washington’s National Hotel when tuberculosis finally killed him in June 1852. His death was sobering for the country. Clay was the second member of the Great Triumvirate to pass (Calhoun had died in March 1850, and Webster would outlive Clay by only a few months), but he alone was the most consistent nationalist of his age and the most durable symbol of the union. He lay in state in the Capitol rotunda, the first American given that honour (Abraham Lincoln would be the second 13 years later), and it is thought that millions of people turned out to view his funeral journey to Lexington by railroad and steamboat. That journey itself was a testament to the success of his American System in modernizing the country’s infrastructure.

 
 
Assessment
Contemporaries dubbed Clay “the Great Compromiser” for his ability to reconcile diametrically opposed positions with irresistible persuasion and appeals to common sense. His work at the start of 1850 sealed an exaggerated reputation of him as a pacificator for whom a brokered political deal was desirable above all other considerations. This designation, however, ignores the fact that Clay refused to compromise on anything affecting the health of the union. He also would not abide Tyler’s desertion of the Whig program, in Clay’s view an act of extreme bad faith in that Tyler had implicitly pledged loyalty to the program as Harrison’s running mate. In that clash Clay earned the contradictory nickname “the Dictator,” suggesting that his opponents as well as his friends were too quick to label him. He is portrayed, on the one hand, as willing to bend his principles to achieve the best political deal and, on the other, as stubbornly clinging to those principles out of nothing more than petty pique and personal vanity. Both images—the inveterate compromiser and the inflexible dictator—miss the measure of the man. The presidency eluded him, but as he famously said, “I would rather be right than be president.” This sentiment inspired many younger politicians, including Lincoln, who regarded Clay the statesman as his “beau ideal.” In the end, many of Clay’s contemporaries had to concede that he had indeed been right more often than not and to regret, for their country’s sake, that he had never achieved his life’s ambition.

David S. Heidler
Jeanne T. Heidler

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1832
 
 
Gladstone William Ewart enters Eng. politics as Conservative M. P. for Newark
 
 
 
1832
 
 
John Caldwell Calhoun, Vice-President in the Jackson administration, resigns
 
 
Calhoun Caldwell John
 

John Caldwell Calhoun, in full John Caldwell Calhoun (born March 18, 1782, Abbeville district, South Carolina, U.S.—died March 31, 1850, Washington, D.C.), American political leader who was a congressman, secretary of war, seventh vice president (1825–32), a senator, and the secretary of state. He championed states’ rights and slavery and was a symbol of the Old South.

 
Early years
Calhoun was born to Patrick Calhoun, a well-to-do Scots-Irish farmer, and Martha Caldwell, both of whom had recently migrated from Pennsylvania to the Carolina Piedmont. Two years after enrolling in a local academy at age 18, he entered the junior class at Yale College, where he graduated with distinction. After a year at a law school and further study in the office of a prominent member of the Federalist Party in Charleston, South Carolina, he was admitted to the bar but abandoned his practice after his marriage in 1811 to his cousin, Floride Bonneau Calhoun, an heiress whose modest fortune enabled him to become a planter-statesman.

An ardent Jeffersonian Republican who called for war with Britain as early as 1807, Calhoun was elected to South Carolina’s state legislature in 1808 and to the United States House of Representatives in 1811. There he functioned as a main lieutenant of Speaker Henry Clay, and, in his capacity as chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, he introduced the declaration of war against Britain in June 1812. His service as majority floor leader during the War of 1812 led a colleague to call him the “young Hercules who carried the war on his shoulders.”

 
 

Portrait of John C. Calhoun, 1822
  Political career
In the postwar session he was chairman of the committees that introduced bills for the second Bank of the United States, a permanent road system, and a standing army and modern navy; he also vigorously supported the protective tariff of 1816. Thus, during this period, Calhoun was the major intellectual spokesman of American nationalism. In 1817 President James Monroe appointed Calhoun secretary of war, and his distinguished performance in that post, as well as his previous legislative prominence, led his friend John Quincy Adams, then secretary of state, to declare that his Carolina colleague “is above all sectional and factious prejudices more than any other statesman of this Union with whom I have ever acted.”

Calhoun won rapid recognition for his parliamentary skill as one of the leaders of the Republican Party (the old Democratic-Republican Party; later the Democratic Party), yet his eagerness for personal advancement, his glib exuberance in debate, and his egotism aroused an undercurrent of distrust. Commenting on Calhoun’s nomination for president in 1821 by a rump group of Northern congressmen, a former secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, called him “a smart fellow, one of the first among second-rate men, but of lax political principles and a disordinate ambition not over-delicate in the means of satisfying itself.”

 
 
To a degree not exceeded by that of any of his contemporaries, Calhoun was consumed by a burning passion to achieve the presidency. He vigorously sought the office three times. During each attempt, an anonymous eulogistic biography appeared in print; these works were in fact autobiographies written in the third person.
 
 

John C. Calhoun by George Peter Alexander Healy
  Champion of states’ rights
Calhoun was elected vice president in 1824 under John Quincy Adams and was reelected in 1828 under Andrew Jackson. In the 1830s Calhoun became as extreme in his devotion to strict construction of the United States Constitution as he had earlier been in his support of nationalism. In the summer of 1831 he openly avowed his belief in nullification, a position that he had anonymously advanced three years earlier in the essay South Carolina Exposition and Protest. Each state was sovereign, Calhoun contended, and the Constitution was a compact among the sovereign states. Therefore, any one state (but not the United States Supreme Court) could declare an act of Congress unconstitutional. The proponents of the nullified measure, according to the theory, would then have to obtain an amendment to the Constitution—which required a two-thirds vote of each house of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states—confirming the power of Congress to take such action. Although the tariff was the specific issue in the nullification crisis of 1832–33, what Calhoun was actually fighting for was protection of the South’s “peculiar institution,” slavery, which he feared someday might be abolished by a Northern majority in Congress. The tariff, Calhoun put forth in one of his public letters, is “of vastly inferior importance to the great question to which it has given rise…the right of a state to interpose, in the last resort, in order to arrest an unconstitutional act of the General Government.”
 
 
To Calhoun’s chagrin, a majority of the Southern states formally and vehemently rejected his doctrine of nullification. Even Jefferson Davis, who later served as president of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War, denied the right of a state to nullify a congressional act.

A genius unto himself, Calhoun lacked the capacity for close friendship and eventually drove most of his associates into active enmity, not least among them President Jackson. His banishment by Jackson was, however, mainly a matter of bad luck. No one did more to make Jackson president than Calhoun, and his prospects in 1828 were most promising. “I was a candidate for reelection (as vice president) on a ticket with General Jackson himself,” he wrote later, “with a certain prospect of the triumphant success of the ticket, and a fair prospect of the highest office to which an American citizen can aspire.” But Calhoun joined his wife and the wives of other cabinet members in a social boycott of Peggy Eaton, the wife of the secretary of war, for her alleged adultery. Jackson leapt to the defense of Eaton and eventually fired his entire Cabinet and broke with the vice president. Late in 1832 Calhoun resigned the vice presidency, was elected to the Senate, and vainly debated Daniel Webster in defense of his cherished doctrine of nullification. He spent the last 20 years of his life in the Senate working to unite the South against the abolitionist attack on slavery, and his efforts included opposing the admittance of Oregon and California to the Union as free states. His efforts were in vain, however, and his exuberant defense of slavery as a “positive good” aroused strong anti-Southern feeling in the free states.

 
 

John Caldwell Calhoun by Mathew Brady, 1849
  Assessment
Certainly the American Civil War was too vast an event to be the responsibility of any one man, but it can be argued that Calhoun contributed as much to its coming as did abolitionist crusader William Lloyd Garrison and President Abraham Lincoln.

The man himself was an enigma. A staunch nationalist during the first half of his public life, one who told the son of Alexander Hamilton in 1823 that his father’s attempt to create a strong federal government “as developed by the measures of Washington’s administration is the only true policy for this country,” in the latter part of his career Calhoun became an unwavering champion of states’ rights. Yet he said shortly before his death, “If I am judged by my acts, I trust I shall be found as firm a friend of the Union as any man in it.…If I shall have any place in the memory of posterity it will be in consequence of my deep attachment to it.”

After Calhoun’s death, his protégé, James H. Hammond, said that

pre-eminent as he was intellectually above all the men of this age as I believe, he was so wanting in judgment in the managing of men, was so unyielding and unpersuasive, that he never could consolidate sufficient power to accomplish anything great, of himself and [in] due season . . . and the jealousy of him—his towering genius and uncompromising temper, has had much effect in preventing the South from uniting to resist [evil].

 
 
Calhoun’s two books on government, published posthumously, and his many cogent speeches in Congress have gained him a reputation as one of the country’s foremost original political theorists. He has been credited with preceding Karl Marx in advancing an economic interpretation of history, yet most of his basic ideas, particularly that of nullification, were acquired from James Madison, who was 30 years his senior. Although Calhoun is remembered as the defender of minorities, he had no use for any minority—certainly not labourers or abolitionists—except the Southern one. His solution to the problem of the preservation of the Union was to give the South everything it demanded. He was truly devoted both to the Union and to the South, and death took him before he had to choose between them. But with rare insight, in 1850 he told a friend that the Union was doomed to dissolution: “I fix its probable occurrence within twelve years or three Presidential terms.”

In his thinking Calhoun worked backward, as if from the answer at the end of a mathematics primer. With his objective in mind, he chose a seemingly innocuous premise and then proceeded with hard logic to the desired conclusion. The historian William P. Trent said in the 1890s that he “started with the conclusion he wanted and reasoned back to the premises....Calhoun led thought rather than men, and lacking imagination, he led thought badly.”

Calhoun’s life was a tragedy in both the Greek and the Shakespearean senses. The gods thirsted after him, but he helped them along. Almost his last words were “The South! The poor South!” The poet Walt Whitman heard a Union soldier say shortly after the surrender of Confederate forces at Appomattox Court House that the true monuments to Calhoun were the wasted farms and the gaunt chimneys scattered over the South.

Gerald M. Capers

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1832
 
 
Mazzini Giuseppe, Italian patriot, founds the organization "Giovine Italia" (Italian Youth) with
the aim of achieving national independence
 
 
"Italian Youth"
 

Young Italy, Italian Giovine Italia, movement founded by Mazzini Giuseppe in 1831 to work for a united, republican Italian nation. Attracting many Italians to the cause of independence, it played an important role in the Risorgimento (struggle for Italian unification).

 
Mazzini, in exile at Marseille for his revolutionary activities, was prompted to found a new society because of the repeated failures of revolts led by the Carbonari (liberal secret societies). In contrast to the clandestine methods of the Carbonari and their dependence on foreign support, Young Italy was to be based on the moral and spiritual revival of the Italian people; it was to have a popular character and educate the people in their political role. The new movement was declared to stand for a republican government because, as its official program stated, “all the men of the nation are called by the law of God and Humanity to be free and equal brothers, and only a republic could assure this.” It also favoured a unitary state because “without unity there is not truly a nation, since without unity there is no strength.” To propagate these ideas, Mazzini published the journal Giovine Italia from 1832 to 1834.

According to Mazzini, the movement grew from 40 members at its 1831 beginnings to more than 50,000 by 1833.

  Young Italy spread rapidly in northern Italy (in Liguria and in Piedmont), where a high literacy rate made possible wide distribution of the society’s publication, but it always remained a middle-class movement.

Mazzini’s vision was not limited to Italy. In 1834 he started Young Europe to encourage the rise of national organizations throughout Europe as well.

Young Italy plotted conspiracies against the existing governments in Italy during the 1830s and the 1840s, but its revolts met with failure. The lack of popular support for insurrection as the road to independence discredited the society.

In 1848 Mazzini himself replaced Young Italy with the Italian National Committee (Associazione Nazionale Italiana). After 1850, with Piedmont leading the struggle for unification, Mazzini’s influence declined.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1832
 
 
The word "socialism" comes into use in English and French
 
 
 
1832
 
 
Britain occupies Falkland Islands
 
 
In December 1832, two naval vessels were sent by the United Kingdom to re-assert British sovereignty over the Falkland Islands (Spanish: Islas Malvinas), after the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (part of which later became Argentina) ignored British diplomatic protests over the appointment of Luis Vernet as governor of the Falkland Islands and a dispute over fishing rights.
 
 
Falkland Islands
 
Falkland Islands, also called Malvinas Islands, Spanish Islas Malvinas, internally self-governing overseas territory of the United Kingdom in the South Atlantic Ocean. It lies about 300 miles (480 km) northeast of the southern tip of South America and a similar distance east of the Strait of Magellan. The capital and major town is Stanley, on East Falkland; there are also several scattered small settlements as well as a Royal Air Force base that is located at Mount Pleasant, some 35 miles (56 km) southwest of Stanley. In South America the islands are generally known as Islas Malvinas, because early French settlers had named them Malouines, or Malovines, in 1764, after their home port of Saint-Malo, France. Area 4,700 square miles (12,200 square km). Pop. (2012, excluding British military personnel stationed on the islands) 2,563.
 
Land
The two main islands, East Falkland and West Falkland, and about 200 smaller islands form a total land area nearly as extensive as the U.S. state of Connecticut. The government of the Falkland Islands also administers the British overseas territory of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, including the Shag and Clerke rocks, lying from 700 to 2,000 miles (1,100 to 3,200 km) to the east and southeast of the Falklands.

Ranges of hills run east-west across the northern parts of the two main islands, reaching 2,312 feet (705 metres) at Mount Usborne in East Falkland. The coastal topography features many drowned river valleys that form protected harbours. The small rivers occupy broad, peat-covered valleys.

The islands’ cool and windy climate offers few temperature extremes and only minor seasonal variability. Consistently high west winds average 19 miles (31 km) per hour, while the mean annual average temperature is about 42 °F (5 °C), with an average maximum of 49 °F (9 °C) and an average minimum of 37 °F (3 °C). Precipitation averages 25 inches (635 mm) annually.

The islands’ vegetation is low and dense in a landscape with no natural tree growth. White grass (Cortaderia pilosa) and diddle-dee (Empetrum rubrum) dominate the grasslands. Where livestock grazing has been controlled, coastal tussock grass (Parodiochloa flabellata) still covers offshore islands. The chilly, damp climate inhibits the complete decomposition of plant matter and permits the accumulation of deep peat deposits.

There are no longer any land mammals indigenous to the Falklands, the wild fox being extinct. About 65 species of birds, including black-browed albatrosses, Falkland pipits, peregrine falcons, and striated caracaras, are found on the islands.

The Falklands are breeding grounds for several million penguins—mostly rockhopper, magellanic, and gentoo penguins with smaller numbers of king and macaroni penguins. Dolphins and porpoises are common, and southern sea lions and elephant seals are also numerous. Fur seals are found at a few isolated sites. Squid are abundant in the waters surrounding the islands, but overfishing became an issue in the 1990s, and measures were taken to correct the problem.

  People
The population of the Falkland Islands is English-speaking and consists primarily of Falklanders of British descent. The pattern of living on the islands is sharply differentiated between Stanley and the small, isolated sheep-farming communities. Four-fifths of the population lives in Stanley.

Economy
Almost the whole area of the two main islands, outside of Stanley, is devoted to sheep farming. The islands’ sheep stations (ranches) vary in size and may be owned by individual families or by companies based in Britain. Several hundred thousand sheep are kept on the islands, producing several thousand tons of wool annually as well as some mutton. The wool is sold in Great Britain and is the Falklands’ leading land-based export. The Falkland Islands Company, incorporated in 1852 and granted a Royal Charter in 1851, played a notable part in the economic development of the islands and was for many years the single largest sheep rancher there.

In the late 20th century the government instituted policies to encourage an increase in the number of smaller, locally operated farms rather than corporate-owned farms. Attempts were also undertaken at that time to diversify the islands’ economy. The government began selling fishing licenses to foreigners in 1987, and the revenue generated from such sales became a major contributor to the economy. In 2002 a slaughter facility was built, and the following year sheep and lamb meat began being exported to the United Kingdom. In the early 1990s, seismic studies suggested the presence of offshore oil reserves, and licenses were granted to foreign companies for exploration. Tourism, especially ecotourism, grew rapidly beginning in the early 21st century to become another leading sector of the economy. Such efforts have enabled the islands’ economy to enjoy sustained growth since the late 20th century.

Stanley Harbour is the islands’ main port; it has a commercial wharf and receives cruise ships. Some cruise ships also call at the outer islands. The main settlements are linked by roads and a government-operated air service, which also provides interisland passenger service. There is a ferry link between East and West Falkland. A coastal freighter travels around the two main islands to deliver supplies and collect the wool clip for transshipment to the United Kingdom. An international airport is located at the Mount Pleasant Military Complex.

 
 

Falkland Islands
 
 
Government and society
Executive authority is vested in the British crown, and the islands’ government is headed by a governor appointed by the crown. As outlined in the Falkland Islands constitution (2009), the governor is advised by an Executive Council consisting of three of the elected members of the Legislative Assembly and two ex officio, nonvoting members (the chief executive and the director of finance). The governor presides over the Executive Council and must consult with it in the discharge of most of his or her duties but may, in certain circumstances, act against the advice of the council. The Legislative Assembly has 10 members, eight of whom are elected to four-year terms from two constituencies, while the other two, the same nonvoting members as on the Executive Council, are ex officio. Both the chief executive and the director of finance are appointed by the governor. There are no political parties, and all members of the legislature are elected as independents. The voting age is 18. The 2009 constitution provides the islands’ government with a greater degree of autonomy than the previous (1985) constitution, but the governor must consult with the regional commander of the British military on issues concerning defense and internal security.
  The official currency is the Falkland pound, which is on par with the British pound. Standard Chartered Bank, headquartered in London, is the only bank. There is little unemployment in the Falklands, but a shortage of housing has discouraged immigration.

The islands’ social welfare system is adequate, and primary education is free. There are a primary and a secondary school at Stanley and several smaller schools in rural areas. Free medical service is provided by a hospital in Stanley.

Cultural life
As the islands’ main town, Stanley is the cultural centre. It is home to the Falkland Islands Museum and National Trust, a museum devoted to the islands’ history. The town also features the Falkland Islands Philatelic Bureau; the Falklands have been issuing stamps that reflect the area’s history and wildlife since the late 1800s. The islands’ British heritage is apparent in Stanley, where pubs, bright red mailboxes, and well-kept gardens are numerous. Sporting activities are popular on the islands and include bird-watching, fishing, and horseback riding. The Stanley Marathon has been run annually (March) since 2005.

 
 

Depiction of a Falklands settlement in 1849; painting by Royal Navy Admiral Edward Fanshawe
 
 
History
The English navigator John Davis in the Desire may have been the first person to sight the Falklands, in 1592, but it was the Dutchman Sebald de Weerdt who made the first undisputed sighting of them about 1600. The English captain John Strong made the first recorded landing in the Falklands, in 1690, and named the sound between the two main islands after Viscount Falkland, a British naval official. The name was later applied to the whole island group. The French navigator Louis-Antoine de Bougainville founded the islands’ first settlement, on East Falkland, in 1764, and he named the islands the Malovines.

The British, in 1765, were the first to settle West Falkland, but they were driven off in 1770 by the Spanish, who had bought out the French settlement about 1767. The British outpost on West Falkland was restored in 1771 after threat of war, but then the British withdrew from the island in 1774 for reasons of economy, without renouncing their claim to the Falklands. Spain maintained a settlement on East Falkland (which it called Soledad Island) until 1811.

In 1820 the Buenos Aires government, which had declared its independence from Spain in 1816, proclaimed its sovereignty over the Falklands.

In 1831 the U.S. warship Lexington destroyed the Argentine settlement on East Falkland in reprisal for the arrest of three U.S. ships that had been hunting seals in the area. In early 1833 a British force expelled the few remaining Argentine officials from the island without firing a shot.

In 1841 a British civilian lieutenant governor was appointed for the Falklands, and by 1885 a British community of some 1,800 people on the islands was self-supporting. Argentina regularly protested Britain’s occupation of the islands.

  After World War II the issue of sovereignty over the Falkland Islands shifted to the United Nations when, in 1964, the islands’ status was debated by the UN committee on decolonization. Argentina based its claim to the Falklands on papal bulls of 1493 modified by the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), by which Spain and Portugal had divided the New World between themselves; on succession from Spain; on the islands’ proximity to South America; and on the need to end a colonial situation. Britain based its claim on its “open, continuous, effective possession, occupation, and administration” of the islands since 1833 and its determination to apply to the Falklanders the principle of self-determination as recognized in the United Nations Charter. Britain asserted that, far from ending a colonial situation, Argentine rule and control of the lives of the Falklanders against their wishes would in fact create one.

In 1965 the UN General Assembly approved a resolution inviting Britain and Argentina to hold discussions to find a peaceful solution to the dispute. These protracted discussions were still proceeding in February 1982, but on April 2 Argentina’s military government invaded the Falklands. This act started the Falkland Islands War, which ended 10 weeks later with the surrender of the Argentine forces at Stanley to British troops who had forcibly reoccupied the islands. Although Britain and Argentina reestablished full diplomatic relations in 1990, the issue of sovereignty remained a point of contention. In the early 21st century Britain continued to maintain some 2,000 troops on the islands. In January 2009 a new constitution came into effect that strengthened the Falklands’ local democratic government and reserved for the islanders their right to determine the territory’s political status. In a referendum held in March 2013, islanders voted nearly unanimously to remain a British overseas territory.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
 
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-1832
 

 
 
ACTION AND REACTION ON THE CONTINENT, 1815-1821


Napoleon returned from Elba, by Karl Stenben


The world's great age begins anew,
The golden years return.
The earth doth like a snake renew
Her winter weeds outworn:
Heaven smiles and empires gleam,
Like wrecks of a dissolving dream.

The British poet Percy Bysshe Shelley 'Hellas' (1821) Canto I, lines 1060 ff. A vision engendered by the Greek revolt against Ottoman Turkey.

****

The French are not conquered ... They have been fighting for freedom ... You cannot kill all the French. You cannot knock their foreteeth out. You cannot keep the sun from shining in France.

The polemical Journalist William Cobbett to the British foreign secretary, Viscount Castlereagh; Weekly Political Register Vol.38, pp.40-41. Castlereagh was returning to the Congress of Vienna, where the fate of France was to be determined after the second abdication of Napoleon.

****

You would tear out this mighty heart of a nation, and lay it bare and bleeding at the foot of despotism: you would slay the mind of a country to fill up the dreary aching void with the old, obscene, drivelling prejudices of superstition and tyranny: you would tread out the eye of Liberty (the light of nations) like 'a vile jelly', that mankind may be led about darkling to its endless drudgery, like the Hebrew Sampson [sic] (shorn of his strength and blind), by his insulting taskmasters.

The essayist William Hazlitt 'What is the People?', 7 March 1818; Complete Works Vol.7 (1932 edn) pp.259.

****

It is not to be believed how the destruction of Napoleon affected him; he seemed prostrated in mind and body, he walked about, unwashed, unshaved, hardly sober by day, and always intoxicated by night, literally, without exaggeration, for weeks.

Hazlitt's friend, the painter Benjamin Robert Haydon, writing about Hazlitt's reaction to Waterloo, June 1815; A.C. Grayling The Quarrel of the Age: The Life and Times of William Hazlitt (2000) p. 193.

****

Before ten years have passed, all Europe will be Cossack or Republican.

Napoleon in conversation with his resident historian Emmanuel-Augustin Las Cases on St Helena, 3 April 1816; Memorial de Ste Нёlёпе (1823; 1842 edn) Vol.1, p.454. Las Cases accompanied Napoleon and recorded their conversations. A later version reads (presumably after neither prediction had come to pass in 1826): 'In fifty years, Europe will be Republican or Cossack.' But even in 1866 Switzerland remained the only republic in Europe, and Russia had not moved west.

****

A new Prometheus, I am chained to a rock to be gnawed by a vulture. Yes, I have stolen the fire of Heaven and made a gift of it to France. The fire has returned to its source and I am here.

Napoleon, note found after his death on 5 May 1821; Christopher Herold (ed.) The Mind of Napoleon
(1955).

****

Conformably to the word of the Holy Scriptures ... the three contracting Monarchs will remain united by the bonds of a true and indissoluble fraternity, and considering each other as fellow countrymen, they will on all occasions, and in all places lend each other aid and assistance; and regarding themselves towards their subjects and armies as fathers of families, they will lead them, in the same spirit of fraternity with which they are animated to protect religion, peace and justice.

Declaration by the Holy Alliance, formed on 26 Sept. 1815 by Austria, Russia and Prussia to contain any future spread of revolution in continental Europe; Clive Parry (ed.) The Consolidated Treaty Series Vol.65, pp.201—2.

****

[The Allied Powers] desire nothing but to maintain peace, to free Europe from the scourge of revolution and to prevent, or to lessen, as far as in their power, the evil which arises from the violation of all the principles of order and morality. On these conditions they think themselves entitled, as the reward of their cares and exertions, to the unanimous approbation of the world.

Protocol addressed to the chancelleries of Europe by Austria, Russia and Prussia, 8 Dec. 1820. Issued from the Congress of Troppau, convened to prepare counter-measures against the liberal revolutions in Naples, Spain and Portugal and continued at Laibach in 1821.
 
 
 
GREECE: A SECOND HELLAS? 1821-1824


Lord Byron in Albanian dress by Thomas Phillips


The mountains look on Marathon -
And Marathon looks on the sea;
And musing there an hour,
I dreamed that Greece might still be free.

The poet Lord Byron Don Juan (1819-24) Canto 3, St.86. In 1809 Byron visited the battlefield of Marathon, where the Greeks defeated the Persians in 490 ВС. He saw it as an inspiration for a Greek rising against the Ottoman Turkish empire, which had occupied Greece since the capture of Constantinople in 1453.

****

This day, the festival of the Greek St Constantine, has cost the lives of 16 Greeks shot in the Bazaar, so very fanatic are these deluded people. They [saw it] as the day appointed by heaven to liberate them from the Ottoman yoke and to restore their Race of Princes to the throne and possession of Constantinople. The Turks, who entered on their fast of Ramazan yesterday, heard this, and began their fast in the evening with human sacrifice.

The English traveller Francis Werry, Smyrna, 2 June 1821; Richard Clogg 'Aspects of the Movement for Greek Independence' in The Struggle for Greek Independence (1973) p.23. The Greek revolt against the Turks began in the spring of 1821.

****

[The Turks] were taken out of the town, and above 12,000 men, women and children, were put to death by their inhuman conquerors. Some were hanged, others impaled, many roasted alive by large fires; the women outraged in the first instance, and then ripped open (many of them far advanced in pregnancy) and dogs' heads put into them; upwards of 200 Jews who were inhabitants of the city, were put to death, some of them by crucifixion.

Consul P. J. Green, I Nov. 1821, on the surrender of Tripolitsa on 5 Oct.; Sketches of the War in Greece (1827) p.69.

****

Over and over again [Voutier] has been struck with admiration for the Greek soldiers whom he has seen overcoming their enemies and trampling them underfoot, shouting Zito Eleutherial (Long Live Liberty!). During the siege of Athens, when the Greeks carried their attack to within pistol-shot of the city walls, he was so much impressed by the magnificent head of a Turk who appeared on the battlements that he prevented a soldier from shooting at him.

The painter Eugene Delacroix, 12 Jan. 1824; The Journal of Eugene Delacroix (1951) p.20. This entry was written on the day Delacroix began work on his picture 'The Massacre of Chios', portraying a huge Turkish atrocity on the island of Chios. In 1823 the French Colonel Voutier had published an account of his experiences in Greece.

****

When the limbs of the Greeks are a little less stiff from the shackles of four centuries - they will not march so much 'as if they had gyves on the legs' - At present the chains are broken indeed - but the links are still clanking - and the Saturnalia is still too recent to have converted the slave into a sober citizen.

Lord Byron, 28 Sept. 1823; Leslie A. Marchand (ed.) Byron's Letters and journals Vol.II (1981) pp.32-3. Byron had gone out to Greece to aid the rebels, only to become heavily disillusioned; he died of fever at Missolonghi on 19 April 1824.

****

We are all Greeks. Our laws, our literature, our religion, our arts have their roots in Greece. But for Greece ... we might still have been savages and idolaters ... The modern Greek is the descendant of those glorious beings whom the imagination almost refuses to figure to itself as belonging to our kind, and he inherits much of their sensibility, their rapidity of conception, their enthusiasm, and their courage.

Percy Bysshe Shelley 'Hellas' (1822) Preface. The classic expression of Hellenophilia.

****

About the fate of the Greeks one is permitted to reason, just as of the fate of my brothers the Negroes - one may wish both groups freedom from unendurable slavery. But it is unforgivable puerility that all enlightened European peoples should be raving about Greece. The Jesuits have talked our heads off about Themistocles and Pericles, and we have come to imagine that a nasty people, made up of bandits and shopkeepers, are their legitimate descendants.

The Russian poet Alexander Pushkin to Peter Vyazemsky, 24/ 25 June 1824; The Letters of Alexander Pushkin (1967) p. 161. Themistocles and Pericles were heroes of the Athenian struggle against Persia in the 5th century ВС.
 
 
 
FRANCE: RESTORATION, 1815-1830


Caricature of Louis preparing for the Spanish expedition, by George Cruikshank


Suddenly the door opened; and silently there entered vice leaning on the arm of crime, M. de Talleyrand supported by Fouche ... the trusty regicide, kneeling, put the hand which had made Louis XVI's head roll, in the hands of the martyred king's brother; the apostate bishop stood surety for the oath.

The writer Viscount de Chateaubriand Memoires d'outre-tombe (Memoirs from beyond the Grave) (after 1830) Vol.4, Bk 6, Ch.20. Two ruthless survivors swear fealty to the twice-restored Louis XVIII after Waterloo, July 1815; a famous vignette.

****

Waterloo ... is intentionally a counterrevolutionary victory. It is Europe against France ... it is the status quo against the forces of movement; it is the 14th of June, 1789, attacked by the 20th March 1815; it is the monarchies clearing the decks for action against indomitable French upsurge. The final extinction of this vast people, for twenty-six years in eruption, such was the dream. [But] the age which Waterloo would have checked, has marched on and pursued its course. This inauspicious victory has been conquered by liberty.

Victor Hugo Les Miserabks (1862) Cosette, Ch.17.

****

We remain the martyrs of an everlasting cause! ... Millions of men weep for us, the homeland sighs, and glory is in mourning! ... we struggle here against the oppression of the Gods and the wishes of the nations are for us.

Napoleon on St Helena, preparing posterity for his posthumous triumph; Las Cases (1823) Vol. I, Pt I, p.407.

****

I entertain no doubt how this contest will end. The descendants of Louis XV will not reign in France, and I must say, and always will say, that it is the fault of Monsieur and his adherents ... I wish Monsieur would read the histories of our Restoration and subsequent Revolution, or that he would recollect what passed under his own view, probably at his own instigation, in the Revolution.

Duke of Wellington to T. C. Villiers, I I Jan. 1818; Supplementary Despatches Vol. 12, p.213. A prescient comment in view of what was to come in July 1830. 'Monsieur' was the title given to the heir-apparent in France, that is, Louis XVIII's brother Charles, Count of Artois, later Charles X. The parallel Wellington draws is with the English Charles M's brother, James II, who succeeded him in 1685 and was forced into exile in 1688 through his refusal to accept the Restoration Settlement that had placed Charles II on the throne in 1660. Artois likewise was adamantly opposed to the limited monarchy brought in by the constitutional Charter of 1814, which his brother was wise enough to swallow.

****

This cannot go on! It will never last! Can you believe that the King dines at seven o' clock, and that the bodyguard wear white trousers? Hitherto, all Kings have dined at one o' clock, and their bodyguards have worn scarlet trousers. Mark my words, sir, there will be another Revolution!

Francois Poumies de la Siboutie Souvenirs d'un Parisien (1863) pp. 147-8. An ultra-royalist deplores the compromises of Louis XVIII.

****

All grandeur, all power, all subordination rests on the executioner; he is the horror and the bond of human association. Remove this incomprehensible agent from the world, and at that moment order gives way to chaos, thrones topple, and society disappears. God, who is the author of sovereignty, is the author also of punishment.

Count Joseph de Maistre The St Petersburg Dialogues (1965 edn) p. 192. De Maistre, a leading Ultra (extreme counterrevolutionary), was the envoy of Sardinia to Russia from 1803 to 1817.

****

When children talked of glory, they said to them: 'Become a priest'; when they spoke of ambition: 'Become a priest'; of hope, love, influence, life: 'Become a priest.'

Alfred de Musset Confession d'un enfant du siecle (1835) Ch.2. With the fall of Napoleon, the army was no longer the road to advancement, and with the religious revival that accompanied the Bourbon restoration the church took its place.

****

'Me, a poor peasant from the Jura,' he muttered to himself repeatedly. 'Me, condemned to wear this dismal outfit for life! Just my luck! Twenty years ago I'd have worn uniform, like them! In those days, a man like me was either killed or a general at thirty-six ... It's true, though, with this black soutane, by the time you're forty you can have a hundred thousand francs a year and be decorated, like my lord bishop of Beauvais. Alright,' he said to himself, 'I'm brighter than them; I know how to choose the rig of the day.'

Stendhal (Henri Beyle) Le Rouge et le Noir (Scarlet and Black) (1830) Pt 2, Ch. I 3. Scarlet for the tunic of the army, black for the garb of the church.

****

The profanation of the sacred utensils, and of the consecrated hosts, is the crime of sacrilege ... The profanation of the sacred utensils shall be punished with death. The profanation of the sacred wafers shall be punished in the name of parricide.

Legislation passed soon after the accession of Charles X, a hyper-zealous Catholic; Annual Register for 1825, p. 139. The crime of parricide was justified by the doctrine of transub-stantiation, whereby the wafer given to communicants at the Eucharist had become the body of Christ, son of God the father.

****

Today ... who does not see the danger of granting anyone and everyone ... the terrible liberty to indoctrinate, in religion and in politics, a public which everywhere is made up largely of mistaken, ignorant, and violent men? ... There is no true liberty of the press... except under the guarantee of censorship to prevent licence of thought. There is no civil liberty without laws to prevent actions that create disorder.

Louis, Viscount de Bonaid On Opposition to the Government and the Liberty of the Press (1827) pp.60-66.
 
 
 
FRANCE: JULY REVOLUTION, 1830


Battle outside the Hôtel de Ville, by Jean Victor Schnetz



The King reigns but does not govern.

Adolphe Thiers, Le National, 4 Feb. 1830. Thiers was a prominent figure in the constitutionalist opposition to Charles X, writing in the journal that had become the main organ of opposition thinking.

****

The people are on their way.
They are the high tide,
Rising unstoppably,
Drawn onwards by their star.

Victor Hugo 'Musings of a passer-by about a king', 18 May 1830. Hugo not so long before had been an ardent royalist; now he entered his populist phase.

****

There is nothing to be feared from the mob of the capital. It is noteworthy that their stature has shrunk in the past fifty years; the people of the Paris faubourgs [suburbs] are smaller than before the Revolution. They are not dangerous. In a word, they are scum.

Jules-Jean Baptiste Angles, prefect of police in Paris, report, 1819, quoted by Victor Hugo in Us Miserables (1862). Angles could not have been more wrong. When revolution came in July 1830, after Charles X tried to tear up the restoration settlement, the people of Paris were its enthusiastic rank-and-file.

****

I remember very well what happened then [in 1789]. The first concession made by my brother [Louis XVI] was the signal for his destruction ... He yielded and lost everything ... Rather than be conducted to the scaffold, we will fight and they will have to kill us on our horses.

Charles X, reacting to the news of the revolutionary outbreak in Paris, July 1830; Vincent Beach Charles X of France (1971) p.346.

****

This century of 1830, distanced by only three days from that other century of 1829.

Jules janin; j. Miege Jules Janin (1933) p. 161. The three days of revolution — 27, 28 and 29 July 1830 — known in France as Les Trois G/orieuses.

****

We struck up the Marseillaise ... The great crowd roared out its 'Aux armes, citoyens!' with the power and precision of a trained choir ... Remember ... that most of them, men, women and children, were hot from the barricades, their pulses still throbbing with the excitement of the recent struggle, and then try to imagine the effect of that stupendous refrain. I literally sank to the floor.

The composer Hector Berlioz Memoirs (1987 edn) p.90. The joyous aftermath of the July Revolution, celebrated by an open-air performance of the revolutionary hymn.

****

We are moving to a general revolution. If the transformation under way follows its course and meets no obstacle, if popular understanding continues to develop progressively, if the education of the lower classes suffers no interruption, nations will be levelled to an equality in liberty. If that transformation is halted, nations will be levelled to an equality in despotism.

Viscount de Chateaubriand (after 1830) Vol.5, p.338.

****

The most recent French revolution and the outbreaks bursting forth shortly thereafter at so many points make indubitable the truth previously suspected, which for years was evident to any thinking person, that the revolutionary movements of all lands arise from one focus and that this centre is in Paris ... In Austria these wicked sects found a tougher task because His Majesty's just and powerful administration and the continual watchfulness of his officials did not let intrigues or propaganda take root. If this watchfulness was previously salutary, it is now an indispensable duty.

Prince Clemens Metternich, II Oct. 1830; Donald Emerson Metternich and the Political Police (1968) pp. 134, 135.

****

There has been no revolution. There has only been a change in the person of the king.

Casimir-Pierre Perier, 1830; S. Charlety La Monarchic dejuillet (1921). Perier, a high conservative, tries to reassure the world that nothing revolutionary has happened as a result of the July Days.
 
 
 
SPAIN: END OF EMPIRE, 1814-1830


The execution of Torrijos, by Antonio Gisbert Pérez. Ferdinand VII, after his restoration as absolute monarch in 1823, took repressive measures against the liberal forces in his country.


All the freedoms of the ancient monarchical constitution have been overturned, while all the revolutionary and democratic principles of the French Constitution of 1791 have been copied ... Thus are promulgated not the fundamental laws of a limited monarchy, but those of a popular government presided over by a chief or magistrate, who is only a clerk, not a king ... I declare their constitution and their decrees null and void now and forever.

Ferdinand VII of Spain, 4 May 1814; J.H. Robinson and C.A. Beard Readings in Modern European History Vol.2 (1909) pp.23, 25. One of Ferdinand's first acts was to annul the liberal constitution of 1812, following his restoration after the French expulsion from Spain.

****

Success will crown our efforts, because the destiny of America has been irrevocably settled. The tie that bound her to Spain has been severed ... The hatred that the Peninsula has inspired in us is greater than the ocean that separates us. It would be less difficult to unite the two continents than to reconcile the spirits of the two countries ... there is nothing we have not suffered at the hands of that unnatural stepmother - Spain. The veil has been torn asunder. Now we have seen the light; yet they want to plunge us back into darkness. Our chains have been broken and we have been freed; yet our enemies seek to enslave us anew. For this reason America fights desperately, and seldom has desperation failed to win victory.

Simon Bolivar to Henry Cullen, 6 Sept. 1815; Vicente Lecuna (ed.) Letters of the Liberator (1929) Vol. I, pp. 183-4. Bolivar was a Creole, or man of Spanish blood born in the Americas, a class denied power by the Peninsulares — that is, Spaniards from Spain who came out to the Americas to govern but not to settle. The revolt of the Creoles was sparked by Napoleon's invasion of Spain and Portugal in 1808 and heightened by Ferdinand's scrapping of the 1812 constitution. Bolivar, already a leading figure in the insurgency, was at this time waiting his next opportunity in Jamaica. By 'America' it should be understood that he is referring not to the United States, but to Latin America.

****

And there ... what do you think I saw? Why, the most excellent Protector of half of the New World, seated on a bullock's skull, at a fire kindled on the mud floor of his hut, eating beef off a spit, and drinking gin out of a cow-horn! He was surrounded by a dozen officers in weather-beaten attire, in similar positions, and similarly occupied with their chief. All were smoking, all gabbling.

A Scots visitor to the rustic dictator Jose Artigas at his Uruguay headquarters, с 1815; William Spence Robertson Rise of the Spanish American Republics (1918) p. 173.

****

I have listened to your wishes, and, as a tender father, have consented to that which my children think conducive to their happiness. I have sworn to that constitution for which you were sighing, and I will ever be its firmest supporter ... Spaniards ... trust to your king, then, who addresses you ... with a deep sense of the exalted duties imposed on him by Providence.

Ferdinand VII, 10 March 1820, restoring the 1812 constitution at the behest of a military junta headed by Major Rafael de Riego. Tragala, perro! (Swallow it, dog!) chanted the crowds, jubilant at Ferdinand's humiliation. The change lasted a mere three years, and in 1823 Spanish absolutism was back in place thanks to the intervention of the Holy Alliance spearheaded by the French army of Louis XVIII. De Riego was executed on 7 Nov. 1823.

****

The revolution in Spain is of the same nature as our own revolution; both of these revolutions were caused by oppression: the object of both revolutions is to ensure liberty to the people. But Spanish America can view the liberal constitution of Spain only as a fraudulent attempt to conserve a colonial system which can no longer be maintained by force.

Jose de San Martin, address to the people of Lima, Peru, Sept. 1820; Robertson (1918) pp. 195-6. San Martin was second only to Simon Bolivar as the liberator of Hispanic America from Spain.

****

All these concessions are insults we suffer, not only on account of the rights of our mothers who were Indians, but also by reason of the pacts of our fathers, the conquistadors, who gained everything at their own cost and risk, with the kings of Spain ... America is ours because our fathers took it, thus creating a right; because it was of our mothers; and because we were born in it ... God has separated us from Europe by an immense sea and our interests are distinct. Spain never had any right here.

The Mexican Dominican friar Servando Teresa de Mier Memorial (1821) p. 124; D.A. Brading The First America (1995) p.595. De Mier had been an activist for independence since 1795, when he was exiled to Spain for ten years; here he introduces a new dimension into the movement - seeing independence as the birthright not only of the Creoles (native-born whites) but of the entire population: Creole, Indian and mestizo (half-breeds).

****

Contemplating Spain, such as her ancestors had known her, I resolved that if France had Spain, it should not be Spain 'with the Indies'. I called the New World into existence, to redress the balance of the Old.

The British foreign secretary, George Canning, 12 Dec. 1826; Part. Deb. Vol. 16 (1827) Col.397. The claim was largely bogus. Although Britain supported the Spanish American liberation struggle, independence was mainly achieved from within the subcontinent. Britain, however, was the only external power able to sustain it.

****

There is no good faith in America, neither among men, nor among nations. Their treaties are scraps of paper, their constitutions mere books, their elections open combat; liberty is anarchy, and life itself is a torment.

Simon Bolivar, speech at Quito, Ecuador, 1829; Works (1964 edn) Vol.3, p.501. 'America' here denotes Latin America.

****

America is ungovernable to us. He who serves the revolution ploughs the sea ... This country will inexorably fall into the hands of uncontrollable multitudes, thereafter to pass under ... tyrants of all colours and races.

Simon Bolivar, after the assassination of his right-hand man, General Jose Antonio de Sucre, 1839; Works (1964 edn) Vol.3, pp.844-6. Again, by 'America', Bolivar understands Latin America.

****

I have not yet seen and do not now see any prospect that they will establish free or liberal institutions of government ... They have not the first elements of good or free government. Arbitrary power, military or ecclesiastical, is stamped upon their education, upon their habits, and upon all their institutions.

Secretary of state John Quincy Adams to Henry Clay, March 1821; Samuel Flagg Bemisjohn Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (1949) p.354. Adams speaks of the Spanish Americans, the very people whose independence the United States was pledged to uphold through the Monroe Doctrine of 1823.
 
 
 
AUSTRIA: THE METTERNICH SYSTEM, 1815-1832


Satirical depiction of the Congress of Verona


Austria is Europe's House of Lords: so long as it is not dissolved, it will keep the Commons in check.

Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, attrib. Talleyrand was briefly Louis XVIII's prime minister after his second restoration in 1815, having served Napoleon until he deserted him in 1814.

****

You see in me the chief Minister of Police in Europe. I keep an eye on everything. My contacts are such that nothing escapes me.

Prince Clemens Metternich to Carl von Dalberg, Grand Duke of Frankfurt. 1817; G. de Bertier de Sauvigny Metternich and his Times (1962) p. 105. Metternich was Austrian foreign minister from 1809 and head of government in Austria from 1815 to 1848. As such, he masterminded counterrevolutionary forces throughout the 36 member states of the Germanic Confederation, which he created and which Austria dominated.

****

They are recruited from the lower classes of the merchants, of domestic servants, of workers, nay even of prostitutes, and they form a coalition which traverses the entire Viennese society as the red silk thread runs through the rope of the English navy. You can scarcely pronounce a word at Vienna which would escape them.

The American commentator Charles Sealsfield on Metternich's secret police informers; Andrew Milne Metternich (1975) p. III.

****

The precedence of the positive sciences over the philosophical and critical must be vindicated. Herein lies one of the best means of bringing back the preponderance of authority over false freedom; for anyone can philosophize and criticize (and mystify and poetize) as he pleases; but positive sciences have to be learned; and if the younger generation decides again for real learning, it will again become capable of an intellectual subordination without which the entire academic life is only a prelude to the wild anarchy in which all political life today is revolving.

Friedrich von Gentzto Adam Mullerjune 1819; Paul R. Sweet Friedrich Gentz (1941) pp.222-3. Gentz was Metternich's publicist, writing here as the Carlsbad Decrees were being framed. Through the decrees the universities of the Germanic Confederation were placed under strict supervision after the assassination of the reactionary dramatist August von Kotzebue by a German student, Karl Sand. Gentz is clearly trying to steer German undergraduates away from speculative and imaginative studies that to him could only produce a subversive cast of mind. He no doubt wanted to forget that as a young man he had been a supporter of the French Revolution in its constitutionalist phase.

****

Exaggerated, because the criminal doctrines of certain scholars, the extravagances of a number of young men can be coped with - even justified! - by the existing authorities, and do not require the scandalous setting up of an extraordinary tribunal of inquisition; and perfidious, because Ministers enamoured of arbitrary rule and fearing for their positions have intimidated their monarchs by the phantom of revolution.

Baron vom Stein to the Greek Count Capodistrias, 29 Dec. 1820; H.G. Schenk The Aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars (1947) p.99. Stein's attack on the Carlsbad Decrees stemmed from his reformism  and from his Prussian dislike of Austrian hegemony over the German states.

****

My life has coincided with a wretched epoch. I came into the world too soon or too late; today
I know I can do nothing. Earlier I should have enjoyed the pleasures of my age; later I should have helped in reconstruction. Now I spend my life in propping up buildings mouldering in decay. I ought to have been born in 1900 and to have had the twentieth century before me.

Prince Clemens Metternich, 6 Oct. 1820; Alan Palmer Metternich (1972) p.193.

****

Revolution must be fought with flesh and blood. Moral weapons are manifestly powerless ... With cannon and Cossacks on the one side, and firebrands and volunteers on the other, both systems must in the end fight a life-and-death struggle, and to him who remains standing belongs the world.

Friedrich von Gentz to the Laibach Congress of the Holy Alliance, Feb. 1821; Sweet (1941) p.233. The congress sanctioned the use of Austrian troops to suppress a revolution in the Kingdom of Naples. Laibach, then in Austria, is now Ljubljana, capital of the state of Slovenia, which broke away from Yugoslavia in 1991.

****

Regicides and sans-culottes do not suddenly appear. In France there were first Encyclopedists, then Constitutionalists, next Republicans, and finally regicides and high traitors. In order not to have the last type one must prevent Encyclopedists and Constitutionalists from becoming established.

Campz, Austrian minister to Prussia, 5 March 1824; Gentz (1909) Vol.3, p.272. The Encyclopedists were the intellectual precursors of the French Revolution, prominently Diderot and d'Alembert; the Constitutionalists were the leading figures of the Revolution in its early phase, such as Lafayette and Mirabeau.

****

You have my authority to tell His Majesty that the implementation of this plan would bring about England's ruin.

Prince Clemens Metternich to the Austrian ambassador to Britain, 1825; Bertier de Sauvigny (1962). Metternich was referring to the proposal to found University College, London, the 'Godless institution in Gower Street', so called because it was to be a non-religious seat of learning, with no chapel. The riposte of the Church of England was to promote King's College, like its contemporary, Durham University, suitably High Anglican.

****

Change nothing in the foundations of the structure of the state; govern and change nothing ... Bestow on Prince Metternich my most faithful servant and friend, the trust which I have reposed in him during so many years. Take no decision on public affairs, or respecting persons, without hearing him.

Extract from the will of Francis II, Austrian emperor, 1832, supposedly drafted by Metternich.
 

 
 
 
 

 
 
CONTENTS
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