Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 
 

TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY
 

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1800 - 1899
 
 
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CONTENTS
  BACK-1830 Part I NEXT-1830 Part III    
 
 
     
1830 - 1839
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830-1839
History at a Glance
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part I
Webster Daniel
Hayne Robert Young
Webster–Hayne debate
Blaine James
Gascoyne-Cecil Robert Arthur Talbot
French conquest of Algeria
French Revolution of 1830
Charles X
Louis-Philippe
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part II
Francis Joseph I
Elisabeth of Austria
Diaz Porfirio
Gran Colombia
Wartenburg Johann David Ludwig
Petar II Petrovic-Njegos
Grey Charles
November Uprising (1830–31)
Milos Obrenovic I
Mysore
Red Jacket
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part III
William Cobbett: "Rural Rides"
Coulanges Numa Denis
Smith Joseph
Mormon
Honore de Balzac: La Comedie humaine
Dickinson Emily
Emily Dickinson
"Poems"
Genlis Comtesse
Goncourt Jules
Hayne Paul Hamilton
Heyse Paul
Victor Hugo: "Hernani"
Mistral Frederic
Rossetti Christina
Smith Seba
Stendhal: "Le Rouge et le Noir"
Tennyson: "Poems, Chiefly Lyrical"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part IV
Bierstadt Albert
Albert Bierstadt
Corot: "Chartres Cathedral"
Delacroix: "Liberty Guiding the People"
Leighton Frederic
Frederic Leighton
Pissarro Camille
Camille Pissarro
Impressionism Timeline
Ward John Quincy Adams
Waterhouse Alfred
Auber: "Fra Diavolo"
Bellini: "The Capulets and the Montagues"
Bulow Hans
Donizetti: "Anna Bolena"
Goldmark Karl
Karl Goldmark - Violin Concerto No 1
Karl Goldmark
Leschetizky Teodor
Remenyi Eduard
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1830 Part V
Reclus Jean Jacques Elisee
Markham Clements Robert
Brown Robert
Hessel Johann Friedrich Christian
Liverpool and Manchester Railway
Lyell Charles
Raoult Francois Marie
Reichenbach Karl
Royal Geographical Society
Thimonnier Barthelemy
Thomson Wyville
Lander Richard Lemon
Charting the Coastline
John Biscoe
Lockwood Belva Ann
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part I
Battle of Ostroleka
Caprivi Leo
Charles Albert
Leopold I of Belgium
Belgian Revolution (1830-1831)
Goschen George Joachim
Turner Nat
Gneisenau August Wilhelm Antonius
Labouchere Henry
Clausewitz Carl
Garfield James Abram
Egyptian–Ottoman War (1831–33)
Russell John
Pedro II of Brazil
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part II
Blavatsky Helena
Gregory XVI
Farrar Frederic William
Gilman Daniel Coit
Harrison Frederic
Miller William
Adventist
White Helen Gould Harmon
Roscoe William
Thomas Isaiah
Winsor Justin
Wright William Aldis
Rutherford Mark
Darby John Nelson
Plymouth Brethren
Balzac: "La Peau de chagrin"
Calverley Charles Stuart
Donnelly Ignatius
Victor Hugo: "Notre Dame de Paris"
Jackson Helen Hunt
Leskov Nikolai
Raabe Wilhelm
Sardou Victorien
Trumbull John
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part III
Begas Reinhold
Reinhold Begas
Meunier Constantin
Constantin Meunier
Bellini: "La Sonnambula"
Bellini: "Norma"
Joachim Joseph
Joseph Joachim - Violin Concerto, Op 11
Joseph Joachim
Meyerbeer: "Robert le Diable"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1831 Part IV
Barry Heinrich Anton
Guthrie Samuel
Liebig Justus
Chloroform
Colomb Philip Howard
Darwin and the Beagle
Maxwell James Clerk
North Pole
Routh Edward John
Sauria Marc Charles
Great cholera pandemic
Garrison William Lloyd
Godkin Edwin Lawrence
Hirsch Moritz
Hood John Bell
French Foreign Legion
London Bridge
Pullman George Mortimer
Schofield John
Smith Samuel Francis
Stephan Heinrich
Whiteley William
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part I
Reform Bill
Gentz Friedrich
Roberts Frederick Sleigh
Democratic Party
Clay Henry
Calhoun Caldwell John
"Italian Youth"
Falkland Islands
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1815-1832
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part II
Bancroft Hubert Howe
Fowler Thomas
Krause Karl Christian Friedrich
Rask Rasmus
Stephen Leslie
Vaughan Herbert Alfred
White Andrew Dickson
Alcott Louisa May
Alger Horatio
Arnold Edwin
Balzac: "Le Colonel Chabert"
Bjornson Bjornstjerne Martinius
Busch Heinrich
Carroll Lewis
Lewis Carroll
Lewis Carroll - photographer

"Alice's Adventures in Wonderland" 
"
Through the Looking-Glass" 
Delavigne Casimir
Echegaray Jose
Washington Irving: "Tales of the Alhambra"
Kennedy John Pendleton
Pellico Silvio
Aleksandr Pushkin: "Eugene Onegin"
Tennyson: "Lady of Shalott"
Watts-Dunton Theodore
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part III
Constable: "Waterloo Bridge from Whitehall Stairs"
Dore Gustave
Gustave Dore
Manet Edouard
Edouard Manet
Orchardson William
William Orchardson
Hughes Arthur
Arthur Hughes
Berlioz: "Symphonie Fantastique"
Damrosch Leopold
Donizetti: "L'Elisir d'Amore"
Garcia Manuel Vicente Rodriguez
Malibran Maria
Viardot Pauline
Garcia Manuel
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1832 Part IV
Wundt Wilhelm
Crookes William
Hayes Isaac Israel
Bolyai Janos
Koenig Rodolph
Nordenskiold Nils Adolf Erik
Reaching for the Pole
Nares George Strong
Scarpa Antonio
Vambery Armin
Conway Moncure Daniel
Declaration of Independence, 1776
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part I
Gordon Charles George
Otto of Greece
Amalia of Oldenburg
Randolph John
Harrison Benjamin
Isabella II
Santa Anna Antonio Lopez
Whig Party
Muhammad Ali dynasty
Zollverein
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part II
Bopp Franz
Bradlaugh Charles
Dilthey Wilhelm
Fawcett Henry
Furness Horace Howard
Ingersoll Robert Green
Pusey Edward Bouverie
Alarcon Pedro Antonio
Balzac: "Eugenie Grandet"
Booth Edwin
Charles Dickens: "Sketches by Boz"
George Cruikshank. From Charles Dickens, Sketches by Boz, 1836.
Gordon Adam Lindsay
Lamb: "Last Essays of Elia"
Longfellow: "Outre-Mer"
Morris Lewis
George Sand: "Lelia"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part III
Burne-Jones Edward
Edward Burne-Jones
Rops Felicien
Felicien Rops
Guerin Pierre-Narcisse
Pierre-Narcisse Guerin
Herold Ferdinand
Ferdinand Herold - Piano Concerto No.2
Ferdinand Herold
Brahms Johannes
Brahms - Hungarian Dances
Johannes Brahms
Chopin: Etudes Op.10 & 25
Heinrich Marschner: "Hans Heiling"
Mendelssohn: "Italian Symphony"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1833 Part IV
Weber Wilhelm Eduard
Muller Johannes Peter
Roscoe Henry Enfield
Wheatstone bridge
Back George
Factory Acts
Burnes Alexander
Home Daniel Dunglas
Nobel Alfred
SS "Royal William"
Slavery Abolition Act 1833
General Trades Union in New York
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part I
Grenville William Wyndham
Grand National Consolidated Trades Union
Quadruple Alliance
Peel Robert
South Australia Colonisation Act 1834
Xhosa Wars
Cape Colony
Carlism
First Carlist War
Battle of Alsasua
Battle of Alegria de Alava
Battle of Venta de Echavarri
Battle of Mendaza
First Battle of Arquijas
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part II
Acton John Emerich
Eliot Charles William
Gibbons James
Seeley John Robert
Spurgeon Charles
Treitschke Heinrich
Maurier George
Balzac: "Le Pere Goriot"
Bancroft George
Blackwood William
Edward Bulwer-Lytton: "The Last Days of Pompeii"
Dahn Felix
Frederick Marryat: "Peter Simple"
Alfred de Musset: "Lorenzaccio"
Pushkin: "The Queen of Spades"
Shorthouse Joseph Henry
Stockton Frank Richard
Browne Charles Farrar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part III
Perov Vasily
Vasily Perov
Bartholdi Frederic Auguste
Degas Edgar
Edgar Degas
Ingres: "Martyrdom of Saint Symphorian"
Whistler James McNeill
James McNeill Whistler
Morris William
William Morris
Adolphe Adam: "Le Chalet"
Barnett John
John Barnett: "The Mountain Sylph"
John Barnett
Berlioz: "Harold en Italie"
Borodin Aleksandr
Alexander Borodin: Prince Igor
Aleksandr Borodin
Elssler Fanny
Kreutzer Conradin
Kreutzer - Das Nachtlager in Granada
Konradin Kreutzer
Santley Charles
Ponchielli Amilcare
 Amilcare Ponchielli - Dance of the Hours
Amilcare Ponchielli
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1834 Part IV
Haeckel Ernst
Arago Francois
Buch Leopold
Faraday: "Law of Electrolysis"
Langley Samuel Pierpont
McCormick Cyrus Hall
Mendeleyev Dmitry
Runge Friedlieb Ferdinand
Phenol
Steiner Jakob
Depew Chauncey Mitchell
Burning of Parliament
Gabelsberger Franz Xaver
Hansom Joseph Aloysius
Hunt Walter
Lloyd's Register
Poor Law Amendment Act 1834
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part I
Ferdinand I of Austria
Bernstorff Christian Gunther
Brisson Henri
Masayoshi Matsukata
Olney Richard
Lee Fitzhugh
Municipal Corporations Act 1835
Palma Tomas Estrada
Riyad Pasha
White George Stuart
Second Seminole War
Texas Revolution (1835 – 1836)
Battle of Gonzales
Siege of Bexar
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part II
Leake William Martin
Abbott Lyman
Brooks Phillips
Caird Edward
Dahlmann Friedrich
Finney Charles Grandison
Harris William Torrey
Hensen Viktor
Jevons William Stanley
Skeat Walter William
Cousin Victor
Strauss David Friedrich
Giacomo Leopardi: "Canti"
Austin Alfred
Butler Samuel
Gaboriau Emile
Hemans Felicia Dorothea
Hogg James
Ireland William Henry
Mathews Charles
Menken Adah Isaacs
Simms William Gilmore
Mark Twain
Carducci Giosue
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part III
Constable: "The Valley Farm"
Corot: "Hagar in the Desert"
Defregger Franz
Kunichika Toyohara
Toyohara Kunichika
Cui Cesar
Cesar Cui "Orientale"
Cesar Cui
Donizetti: "Lucia di Lammermoor"
Halevy Fromental
Halevy: "La Juive"
Placido Domingo - Rachel, quand du Seigneur
Fromental Halevy
Saint-Saens Camille
Camille Saint-Saens - Danse Macabre
Camille Saint-Saens
Thomas Theodore
Wieniawski Henri
Wieniawski - Polonaise de Concert in D major No. 1, Op. 4
Henri Wieniawski
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1835 Part IV
Newcomb Simon
Schiaparelli Giovanni Virginio
Geikie Archibald
Chaillu Paul
Locomotive: Electric traction
Talbot Wiliam Henry Fox
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society
Sacher-Masoch Leopold Ritter
Masochism
Heth Joice
Bennett James Gordon
Carnegie Andrew
Chubb Charles
Colt Samuel
Field Marshall
Green Henrietta Howland
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part I
Crockett Davy
Houston Sam
Battle of the Alamo
Battle of San Jacinto
BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO
Cannon Joseph Gurney
Chartism
Arkansas
Chamberlain Joseph
Campbell-Bannerman Henry
Great Trek
Voortrekker
Xhosa
Inoue Kaoru
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part II
Ralph Waldo Emerson: "Nature"
Ramakrishna
Aldrich Thomas Bailey
Besant Walter
Frederick Marryat: "Mr. Midshipman Easy"
Burnand Francis Cowley
Carlyle: "Sartor Resartus"
Dickens: "Pickwick Papers"
Eckermann Johann Peter
Gilbert William Schwenk
Gogol: "The Government Inspector"
Harte Bret
Newell Robert Henry
Reuter Fritz
Pusckin: "The Captain's Daughter"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part III
Alma-Tadema Lawrence
Lawrence Alma-Tadema
Corot: "Diana Surprised by Actaeon"
Fantin-Latour Henri
Henri Fantin-Latour
Homer Winslow
Winslow Homer
Lefebvre Jules Joseph
Jules Joseph Lefebvre
Lenbach Franz
Franz von Lenbach
Poynter Edward
Edward Poynter
Tissot James
James Tissot
Carle Vernet
Carle Vernet
Adolphe Adam: "Le Postilion de long jumeau"
Delibes Leo
Delibes - Lakme - Flower duet
Leo Delibes
Reicha Antoine
Glinka: "A Life for the Tzar"
Mendelssohn: "St. Paul"
Meyerbeer: "Les Huguenots"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1836 Part IV
Bergmann Ernst
Daniell John Frederic
Davy Edmund
Ericsson John
Gray Asa
Lockyer Norman
Colt's Manufacturing Company
Crushed stone
Schwann Theodor
Pepsin
Schimper Karl Friedrich
Gould Jay
"The Lancers"
Ross Betsy
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part I
William IV, King of Great Britain
Michigan
Van Buren Martin
Cleveland Grover
Itagaki Taisuke
Holstein Friedrich
Boulanger Georges
Carnot Sadi
Caroline affair
Ernest Augustus I of Hanover
Rebellions of 1837
Lafontaine Louis-Hippolyte
Baldwin Robert
Sitting Bull
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part II
Thomas Carlyle: "The French Revolution"
Green John Richard
Lyon Mary
Mount Holyoke College
Mann Horace
Moody Dwight
Murray James
Oxford English Dictionary
Old School–New School Controversy
Balzac: "Illusions perdues"
Nathaniel Hawthorne: "Twice-told Tales"
Braddon Mary Elizabeth
Eggleston Edward
Ebers Georg
Howells William Dean
Swinburne Algernon Charles
Wyndham Charles
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part III
Carolus-Duran
Carolus-Duran
Legros Alphonse
Alphonse Legros
Marees Hans
Hans von Marees
Auber: "Le Domino  noir"
Balakirev Mily
Balakirev - Symphony No.1
Mily Balakirev
Berlioz: "Requiem"
Dubois Theodore
Theodore Dubois - Piano Concerto No. 2
Theodore Dubois
Lesueur Jean-Francois
Lesueur: Coronation music for Napoleon I
Jean-François Lesueur
Lortzing: "Zar und Zimmermann"
Cosima Wagner
Waldteufel Emile
Emile Waldteufel - waltzes
Emile Waldteufel
Zingarelli Niccolo
Nicola Antonio Zingarelli - Tre ore dell'Agonia
Nicola Zingarelli
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1837 Part IV
Analytical Engine
Borsig August
Burroughs John
Cooke William
Telegraph
d'Urville Jules Dumont
Kuhne Wilhelm
Van der Waals Johannes Diderik
Fitzherbert Maria Anne
Hanna Mark
Lovejoy Elijah
Morgan John Pierpont
Pitman Isaac
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part I
Osceola
Gambetta Leon
Weenen Massacre
Battle of Blood River
Anti-Corn Law League
Cobden Richard
Bright John
Rodgers John
Weyler Valeriano
Wood Henry Evelyn
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part II
Adams Henry
Bowditch Nathaniel
Bryce Viscount
Montagu Corry, 1st Baron Rowton
Lecky William Edward Hartpole
Lounsbury Thomas Raynesford
Mach Ernst
Mohler Johann Adam
Sacy Antoine Isaac Silvestre
Sidgwick Henry
Trevelyan George Otto
Lytton: "The Lady of Lyons"
Daly Augustin
Dickens: "Oliver Twist"
Victor Hugo: "Ruy Blas"
Irving Henry
Villiers de l'Isle-Adam
Rachel Felix
Roe Edward Payson
Schwab Gustav Benjamin
Scudder Horace Elisha
Creevey Thomas
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part III
Dalou Jules
Jules Dalou
Mauve Anton
Anton Mauve
Richardson Hobson Henry
Henry Hobson Richardson
Fortuny Maria
Maria Fortuny
Berlioz: "Benvenuto Cellini"
Bizet Georges
Bizet - Carmen - Habanera
Georges Bizet
Bruch Max
Max Bruch - Violinkonzert Nr. 1
Max Bruch
Lind Johanna Maria
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1838 Part IV
Abbe Cleveland
Cournot Antoine-Augustin
Daguerre-Niepce method of photography
Dulong Pierre-Louis
Hyatt Alpheus
Muir John
Perkin William Henry
Stevens John
Zeppelin Ferdinand
Belleny John
United States Exploring Expedition
Wilkes Charles
Hill Octavia
Wanamaker John
Woodhull Victoria
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part I
Uruguayan Civil War (1839-1851)
Rudini Antonio Starabba
Treaty of London
First Opium War (1839-1842)
Richter Eugen
Frederick VI of Denmark
Christian VIII of Denmark
Natalia Republic
Abdulmecid I
Ranjit Singh
Van Rensselaer Stephen
Cervera Pascual
First Anglo-Afghan War
Anglo-Afghan Wars
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part II
Fesch Joseph
Paris Gaston
Peirce Charles Sanders
Reed Thomas
Anzengruber Ludwig
Sparks Jared
Galt John
Herne James
Longfellow: "Hyperion"
De Morgan William
Ouida
Dickens:  "Nicholas Nickleby"
Pater Walter
Рое: "The Fall of the House of Usher"
Praed Winthrop Mackworth
Smith James
Sully-Prudhomme Armand
Stendhal: "La Chartreuse de Parme"
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part III
Beechey William
William Beechey
Cezanne Paul
Paul Cezanne
Sisley Alfred
Alfred Sisley
Thoma Hans
Hans Thoma
Yoshitoshi Tsukioka
Tsukioka Yoshitoshi
Gomes Antonio Carlos
Antonio Carlos Gomes - Il Guarany - Ouverture
Antonio Carlos Gomes
Moussorgsky Modest
Moussorgsky - Boris Godunov
Modest Mussorgsky
Paine John Knowles
John Knowles Paine - Symphony No.1
John Knowles Paine
Randall James Rider
 
YEAR BY YEAR:
1839 Part IV
Crozier Francis Rawdon Moira
Grey George
Into the Interior
Garnier Frangois
Goodyear Charles
Vulcanization
Jacobi Moritz
Mosander Carl Gustaf
Przhevalsky Nikolay
Smith William
Mond Ludwig
Stephens John Lloyd
Catherwood Frederick
George Henry
Kundt August
Schonbein Christian Friedrich
Steinheil Carl August
Doubleday Abner
Macmillan Kirkpatrick
Cadbury George
Cunard Samuel
Cunard Line
Grand National
Lowell John
Lowell Institute
Rockefeller John
Stanhope Hester Lucy
Weston Edward Payson
Willard Frances
 
 
 

Charge of the Polish uhlans city of Poznań during November Uprising
 
 
 
 
 HISTORY, RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, ART, LITERATURE, MUSIC, SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, DAILY LIFE
 
 
 
 
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
 
 
 
1830 Part II
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Francis Joseph I
 
Franz Joseph, also called Francis Joseph (born August 18, 1830, Schloss Schönbrunn, near Vienna—died November 21, 1916, Schloss Schönbrunn), emperor of Austria (1848–1916) and king of Hungary (1867–1916), who divided his empire into the Dual Monarchy, in which Austria and Hungary coexisted as equal partners. In 1879 he formed an alliance with Prussian-led Germany, and in 1914 his ultimatum to Serbia led Austria and Germany into World War I.
 

Early years
Franz Joseph was the eldest son of Archduke Francis Charles and Sophia, daughter of King Maximilian I of Bavaria. As his uncle Emperor Ferdinand (I) was childless, Franz Joseph was educated as his heir-presumptive. In the spring of 1848 he served with the Austrian forces in Italy, where Lombardy-Venetia, supported by King Charles Albert of Sardinia, had rebelled against Austrian rule. When revolution spread to the capitals of the Austrian Empire, Franz Joseph was proclaimed emperor at Olmütz (Olomouc) on December 2, 1848, after the abdication of Ferdinand—the rights of his father, the archduke, to the throne having been passed over. Hopes of a revival of monarchist sentiments were raised by his radiant, youthful appearance.

Of all his mentors, the old chancellor Klemens, Fürst (prince) von Metternich, probably exerted the most lasting influence on Franz Joseph. A more profound influence, however, was that of his wife, the duchess Elizabeth of Bavaria. He married her in 1854 and remained deeply attached to her throughout a stormy marriage.

 
 

Franz Joseph I in 1851 (by Johann Ranzi)
  Neo-absolutism, 1841–59
During the first 10 years of his reign, the era of so-called neo-absolutism, the emperor—aided by such outstanding advisers as Felix, prince zu Schwarzenberg (until 1852), Leo, Graf (count) von Thun und Hohenstein, and Alexander, Freiherr (baron) von Bach—inaugurated a very personal regime by taking a hand both in the formulation of foreign policy and in the strategic decisions of the time. Together with Schwarzenberg, who had become prime minister and foreign minister in 1848, Franz Joseph set out to set his empire in order.

In external affairs Schwarzenberg achieved a powerful position for Austria; in particular, with the Punctation of Olmütz (November 1850), in which Prussia acknowledged Austria’s predominance in Germany. In home affairs, however, Schwarzenberg’s harsh rule and the formation of an intolerant police apparatus evoked a latent mood of rebellion. This mood became more threatening after 1851, when the government withdrew the promise of a constitution, given in 1849 under the pressure of the revolutionary troubles. That retraction had long aftereffects and led to the liberals’ permanent distrust of Franz Joseph’s rule. In 1853 there was an attempt on the emperor’s life in Vienna and in a riot in Milan.

After Schwarzenberg’s death (1852), Franz Joseph decided not to replace him as prime minister and took a greater part in politics himself.

 
 
Austria’s mistaken policy during the Crimean War originated largely with the emperor, torn between gratitude to Russia for its help in quelling a rebellion in Hungary in 1849 and the advantage the monarchy might derive from siding with Great Britain and France. The mobilization of a part of the Austrian Army in Galicia on the borders of Russia in retrospect turned out to have been a grave error. It gained no friends for Austria among the Western powers but lost considerable goodwill that Tsar Nicholas I had earlier harboured for Franz Joseph.
 
 

Franz Joseph I in 1853
  At home, neo-absolutism resulted in a civil service staffed by highly competent experts who tried to meet the emperor’s high standards but whose limitations nevertheless became increasingly obvious in 1859–60 as they attempted to deal with the empire’s complex financial problems. Army expenditures had to be curtailed in 1859, when a series of ill-fated wars began that seriously shook Austria’s military reputation. Moreover, the police regime proved to be impracticable in the long run. Thus the government made critical military decisions against a background of many unresolved problems in finances and home affairs. For many of these decisions, especially the unfortunate outcome of the war of 1859 against the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Empire of France, the emperor was responsible. After provoking Austria into war, Camillo Benso, conte di Cavour, the prime minister of Sardinia, planned to use the French Army to oust Austria from Italy. When the imperial commander in chief proved incapable, Franz Joseph himself took over the supreme command, but he could not prevent the defeat of Solferino (June 24, 1859).

Dismayed by Prussia’s demand that, as a condition of its intervention on the emperor’s side, the Austrian Army be placed under Prussian command, Franz Joseph hastily concluded the Peace of Villafranca in July 1859, under which Lombardy was ceded to Sardinia. Unreconciled to this settlement, Franz Joseph adopted a foreign policy that prepared the way for a passage at arms with Italy and Prussia, by which he hoped to regain for Austria its former position in Germany and Italy, as it had been established by Metternich in 1814–15.
 
 
The years of decision, 1859–70
The mood of crisis after the defeat of 1859 caused Franz Joseph to pay renewed attention to the constitutional question. A period of experiments—alternating between federalistic and centralistic charters—kept the country in a permanent state of crisis until 1867. The congress of princes at Frankfurt in 1863, for which the reigning heads of all German states assembled with the sole exception of the king of Prussia, was a high point in Franz Joseph’s life. Yet the absence of the Prussian king demonstrated that Prussia no longer regarded Austria as the leading German power.
 
 

Georg Martin Ignaz Raab 1885
  Franz Joseph had vainly tried to postpone the decision for predominance in Germany by entering into a comradeship-in-arms with Prussia in a war against Denmark in 1864. After their victory, squabbles arose between them, and war with Prussia became inevitable. The conclusion of an alliance between Italy and Prussia pointed up the dangerous possibility that both foreign-policy problems might have to be faced at the same time, yet Franz Joseph failed in his attempt to avoid an armed conflict at least with Italy. In June 1866 Austria concluded a possibly unique agreement with Napoleon III of France that stipulated that Austrian-held Venetia was to be given to the Kingdom of Sardinia regardless of the outcome of the impending war with Prussia. As the emperor considered it incompatible with the army’s honour to cede a province without fighting, war with Italy broke out despite the agreement. In later years, Franz Joseph characterized his policy of yielding territory with one hand while fighting for it with the other as honest but stupid, whereas the chancellor Friedrich Ferdinand, Graf (count) von Beust, called the agreement the most shocking document that he had ever seen. Although its defeat in the war with Prussia that the Prussian prime minister Otto von Bismarck had forced on the unprepared monarchy caused Austria no territorial loss in the north, it nevertheless sealed Austria’s expulsion from Germany. The victories gained by the Austrian Army in the south, moreover, could not prevent the loss of Venetia, so that Austria found itself expelled from Italy as well.
 
 
The appointment of the Saxon premier, Beust, as Austrian prime minister in 1867 shows that initially Franz Joseph was once again unwilling to accept the decision. Beust’s cherished project of an Austrian-French-Italian alliance against Prussia did not materialize, however, and in 1870 the attitude of the Hungarian prime minister, Gyula, Gróf (count) Andrássy, coupled with the rapid military successes of Prussia, prevented Austria from joining in the Franco-German War at the side of France. Andrássy, appointed imperial foreign minister after Beust’s dismissal in 1871, inaugurated the policy of close collaboration with Germany that later became the cornerstone of Franz Joseph’s foreign policy.
 
 

Franz Joseph I with his family
 
 
The Hungarian compromise and the dual monarchy
The failure to achieve a federalist solution satisfactory to all nationalities had exacerbated relations among them. In 1867 it had become obvious that a compromise had to be made with the restive Hungarians. The newly appointed prime minister Beust was, however, insufficiently informed about conditions in the various parts of the Austrian Empire. The result was the kaiserliche und königliche Doppelmonarchie, the “imperial and royal Dual Monarchy” in which an Austrian and a Hungarian half coexisted in equal partnership. The compromise, however, gave the Hungarians considerable leverage to extend their influence. The losers were the Slav peoples, for the Bohemians (Czechs) and Poles did not share in the privileged position of the German Austrians in the Austrian, or western, half of the empire, while the Croats, Slovaks, and South Slavs had none of the prerogatives enjoyed by the Hungarians in the Hungarian, or eastern, half. With this preferred treatment, which Franz Joseph recognized as such, the multinational state had violated its inner law of the basic equality of all national groups.

The individual crownland’s relationship to the emperor, which in each case had been the result of a long historical evolution, was now replaced by the submission of the various nationalities to German-Austrian or Hungarian overlordship. Internal restlessness thus continued unabated.
  A final attempt at reform by which the Slavic languages were to be given equal status with Hungarian and German was vetoed by Franz Joseph under pressure from the German-Austrian nationalists. But, under the influence of the Viennese sociologist Albert Schäffle, the emperor, who on the whole had little use for party politicians and their influence on public life, seems to have followed the continuing process of democratization in his empire with some sympathy.

The question of recognition and restoration of ancient Czech rights hobbled Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and poisoned domestic politics. Even more of a handicap was the problem of the South Slavs. From 1867 on, the Hungarian-ruled Croatians found themselves subjected to a continuing process of Magyarization. Hungarian domination eventually turned Serbia, inhabited by fellow Slavs, into the Dual Monarchy’s mortal enemy.

Franz Joseph, who wholeheartedly supported the Ausgleich (the Hungarian Compromise) as the constitution of the Dual Monarchy, failed to grasp the negative aspects of that highly complex document. Interested primarily in questions of foreign policy and military leadership, he paid too little attention to domestic affairs to understand the nationalities problem in all its gravity. In particular, he failed to see the connection between Austro-Hungarian internal affairs and their effect on the monarchy’s relationship with Russia and on the political situation in the Balkans.

 
 

Franz Joseph I by Julius von Blaas
  The emperor’s peace policy
Although Franz Joseph always considered foreign policy his own specialty, he was in effect guided by the ablest among his foreign ministers: Andrássy, Gusztav Siegmund, Graf (count) Kálnoky von Köröspatak, and Alois, Graf (count) Lexa von Aehrenthal. Andrássy not only launched the alliance with Germany in 1879, but, by carrying out the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which Franz Joseph had advocated and the Congress of Berlin (1878) had sanctioned, he also gained the first great foreign-policy success of the empire in the Balkans. Franz Joseph defended the German alliance against all opposition.

He was considerably more reserved toward Italy, which had joined Germany and Austria in the Triple Alliance in 1882, and Romania, with which Austria-Hungary had concluded a secret treaty in 1883; in fact, his reticence contributed to the eventual alienation of both of those allies.

The style of Franz Joseph’s foreign policy was dynastic and personal. Just as he had contributed decisively to the creation of the League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaiserbund) by appearing in Berlin in 1873 by the side of Tsar Alexander II, he endeavoured also on later occasions to forestall potential conflicts with Russia through personal contacts, without realizing the fundamental nature of the antagonism between the two countries. On a visit to St. Petersburg in 1897 and again after Tsar Nicholas II’s visit in 1903, he tried to delimit Austrian and Russian interests in the Balkans—a policy that was rashly jeopardized by Aehrenthal during the crisis leading to the annexation of occupied Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908. By then, however, the days were long past when foreign policy was a matter of friendships between sovereigns; conflicts of interest, or for that matter pan-Slav propaganda, could no longer be neutralized on the dynastic level.

 
 

Also, the emperor found it increasingly difficult to get along with his fellow sovereigns, many of them relatives, of the younger generation. Yet he seems to have appreciated the energetic, dashing, and optimistic manner of William II of Germany.

In the period 1908–14 Franz Joseph held fast to his peace policy in the face of warnings by the chief of the general staff, Franz, Graf (count) Conrad von Hötzendorf, who repeatedly advocated a preventive war against Serbia or Italy. Yet, without having fully thought out the consequences, he let himself in July 1914 be persuaded by Leopold, Graf (count) von Berchtold, the foreign minister, to issue the intransigent ultimatum to Serbia that led to World War I.

 
 

Franz Joseph in c. 1905
  Assessment
Although he had been raised to be a soldier and wore a uniform all his life, Franz Joseph was no more a strategist than he was a statesman. He made up for this deficiency by the careful study of documents, by an extraordinarily retentive memory, and by being a shrewd judge of character. Invariably well informed and familiar with the reports of his envoys, he was to his civil servants an unequaled model of exactitude, devotion to duty, and justice. In his time Austria-Hungary was credited with having a civil administration that was as efficient as any in Europe. Having reserved for himself the control of foreign policy and of all matters bearing on the army, he stated repeatedly that this foreign policy was his own and that any criticism of it was in reality directed at himself. While loyal to his ministers, he refused to grant them any influence beyond the limits of their respective offices; once dismissed, a minister was no longer consulted on official business. This attitude, which many considered to be both ungrateful and ungracious, sprang in part from a punctiliousness that was hard to penetrate and rendered him incapable of true friendship. In the early decades of his reign, his correct but unapproachable bearing caused Franz Joseph to be respected but not really popular. Toward the end of his life, however, he became a universally revered man, a personality that for all its defects and insufficiencies held together the rotting structure of the multinational state. Although a gentleman of irresistible charm in personal contact, Franz Joseph was greatly feared as the head of his house. His attitude toward his family was determined primarily by dynastic considerations.
 
 
His own marriage had been a love match, and he remained devoted to his wife even after the marriage had been wrecked by her eccentricities. Her assassination, in Geneva on September 10, 1898, saddened him profoundly. The tragedy of the heir apparent, the archduke Rudolf, who dramatically shot himself in a suicide love pact with a 17-year-old baroness at Mayerling on January 30, 1889, was assuredly rooted in Rudolf’s unstable character. Yet the emperor had contributed to his only son Rudolf’s instability by giving him an unsuitable education, forcing him to marry Princess Stephanie of Belgium, and dealing with him in an altogether cold and uncomprehending manner. He treated his daughter-in-law with unforgiving harshness after her second, morganatic marriage, believing that family members who married beneath their station had committed a crime against the dynasty. Furthermore, Franz Joseph never became reconciled to the morganatic union of the next heir presumptive, Archduke Francis Ferdinand. His statements on receiving the report of the archducal couple’s murder at Sarajevo, on June 28, 1914, show that he looked upon their fate as a token of divine retribution. These tragedies, which became public knowledge, were underlined by an unending series of sometimes heated family disputes in the course of which Franz Joseph forced the members of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine to conform to his own notion of an archduke’s dignity and position. Yet this man who became ever lonelier as time went on could be a generous and amiable family father to his daughters and those members of the house who bowed to his wishes.

The only member of the immediate family with whom he had a closer relationship was his youngest brother, the archduke Louis Victor. While he was no more than correct in his attitude toward his brother, the talented and ambitious archduke Maximilian, he bears no blame for the tragedy that ended Maximilian’s brief interlude as emperor of Mexico.

Having overcome the threat to its survival in 1848–49, Austria passed through a long metamorphosis with many ups and downs in the 68 years that Franz Joseph occupied the throne. His many mistakes were balanced by splendid achievements. The social legislation enacted by the prime minister Eduard, Graf (count) von Taaffe, during the 1880s, the new penal code of 1852, the trade regulations of 1859, and the commercial code of 1862 are all examples of a civil administration that was highly regarded throughout Europe. Those achievements bore the stamp of the emperor’s own silent devotion to duty.

Karl Otmar, Baron von Aretin

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 

Coronation of Franz Joseph and Elisabeth as King and Queen of Hungary and Croatia
 
 
 
Elisabeth of Austria
 

Elisabeth of Austria (24 December 1837 – 10 September 1898) was the wife of Emperor Franz Joseph I, and thus Empress of Austria and Queen of Hungary.

 
Born into Bavarian royalty, Elisabeth (Sisi) enjoyed an informal upbringing, before marrying Franz Joseph when she was 16 years old. The marriage catapulted her into the much more formal Habsburg court life, for which she was ill-prepared and which she found uncongenial. Early in the marriage she was at odds with her mother-in-law, Princess Sophie, who took over the rearing of Elisabeth's daughters, one of whom died in infancy. The birth of a male heir Rudolf improved her standing at court, but her health suffered under the strain, and she would often visit Hungary for its more relaxed environment. She came to develop a deep kinship with Hungary, and helped to bring about the dual monarchy of Austria–Hungary in 1867.

The 1889 death of her only son Rudolf, and his mistress Mary Vetsera, in a murder–suicide tragedy at his hunting lodge at Mayerling, was a shock from which Elisabeth never recovered. She withdrew from court duties and travelled widely, unaccompanied by her family. She was obsessively concerned with maintaining her youthful figure and beauty, this obsession taking the form of, among other things, a requirement that she be sewn into her leather corsets and spending two or three hours a day on her coiffure. While travelling in Geneva in 1898, she was stabbed to death by an Italian anarchist who selected her because he had missed his chance to assassinate Prince Philippe, Duke of Orléans, and wanted to kill the next member of royalty that he saw. Elisabeth was the longest serving Empress-consort of Austria, at 44 years.

 
 

Elisabeth by Winterhalter
 
A photograph of Elisabeth on the day of her coronation as Queen of Hungary, 8 June 1867
 
 
Elizabeth, (born Dec. 24, 1837, Munich, Bavaria [Germany]—died Sept. 10, 1898, Geneva, Switz.), empress consort of Austria from April 24, 1854, when she married the emperor Francis Joseph I. She was also queen of Hungary (crowned June 8, 1867) after the Austro-Hungarian Ausgleich, or Compromise. Her assassination brought her rather unsettled life to a tragic end.

Elizabeth was the daughter of the Bavarian duke Maximilian Joseph. In August 1853 she met her cousin Francis Joseph, then aged 23, who quickly fell in love with the 15-year-old Elizabeth, who was regarded as the most beautiful princess in Europe. Soon after their marriage she became involved in many conflicts with her mother-in-law, Archduchess Sophia, which led to an estrangement with the court. Generally popular with her subjects, she offended Viennese aristocracy by her impatience with the rigid etiquette of the court.

 
 

Photograph of Elisabeth as Queen of Hungary (by Emil Rabending, 1867)
 
 
The Hungarians admired her, especially for her endeavours in bringing about the Compromise of 1867. She spent much time at Gödöllő, north of Budapest. Her enthusiasm for Hungary, however, affronted German sentiment within Austria. She partly assuaged Austrian feelings by her care for the wounded in the Seven Weeks’ War of 1866.

The suicide of her only son, the crown prince Rudolf, in 1889, was a shock from which Elizabeth never fully recovered. It was during a visit to Switzerland that she was mortally stabbed by an Italian anarchist, Luigi Luccheni.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
Mistress of Franz Joseph of Austria
 
 

Anna Nahowski
 
Katharina Schratt
     
Anna Nahowski (1860–1931) was the mistress of Franz Joseph of Austria from 1875 until 1888.
She was from the age of fourteen married to the silk manufacturer Heuduck, who was heavily indebted by gambling and alcoholism. She met Franz Joseph at a walk in the park of Schönbrunn. The relationship was arranged between Anna and Franz Joseph without the knowledge of her spouse. Franz Joseph visited her discreetly and regularly while her husband was away. The paternity of her issue is uncertain, but her daughter Helena is believed to have been the emperor's, and her husband's debts were paid. This arrangement continued also after she remarried the decadent Franz Nahowski. In 1889, Nahowski discovered that Franz Joseph was in parallel involved, and this time more publicly, with Katharina Schratt, which made Franz Joseph end the relationship to Nahowski. Anna Nahowski was given economic compensation for both herself and her children in exchange for signing a contract of silence.

Her diary was published in 1976.

  Katharina Schratt (11 September 1853 in Baden bei Wien, Austria – 17 April 1940 in Vienna) was an Austrian actress who became "the uncrowned Empress of Austria" as a confidante of Emperor Franz Josep
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Diaz Porfirio
 
Porfirio Díaz, (born Sept. 15, 1830, Oaxaca, Mex.—died July 2, 1915, Paris, France), soldier and president of Mexico (1877–80, 1884–1911), who established a strong centralized state that he held under firm control for more than three decades.
 

Porfirio Diaz
  A mestizo (part Indian), Díaz was of humble origin. He began training for the priesthood at age 15, but upon the outbreak of war with the United States (1846–48) he joined the army. An illustrious military career followed, including service in the War of the Reform (1857–60) and the struggle against the French in 1861–67, when Maximilian became emperor. Earlier (1849) Díaz had studied law with the encouragement of the Liberal Benito Juárez, who first became president in 1858.

Díaz resigned his command and went back to Oaxaca when peace was restored but soon became dissatisfied with the Juárez administration. He led an unsuccessful protest against the 1871 reelection of Juárez, who died the following year. Díaz continued his protests in an unsuccessful revolt against Pres.

Sebastían Lerdo de Tejada in 1876, after which he fled to the United States. Six months later, however, he returned and defeated the government forces at the Battle of Tecoac (November 1876), and in May 1877 he was formally elected president.

During his first four years in office, Díaz began a slow process of consolidation of power and built up a strong political machine. His administration achieved a few public improvements but was more noted for its suppression of revolts. Having opposed Lerdo’s reelection, he decided not to run for another term himself but handpicked his successor, Gen. Manuel González, who also soon dissatisfied him. Therefore, in 1884 Díaz ran for the presidency again and was elected.

 
 
Over the course of the next 26 years Díaz produced an orderly and systematic government with a military spirit. He succeeded in destroying local and regional leadership until the majority of public employees answered directly to him. Even the legislature was composed of his friends, and the press was muffled. He also maintained tight control over the courts.
 
 

Porfirio Díaz and his wife Carmen Romero Rubio with other members of the Porfirian ruling faction
 
 
Díaz secured his power by catering to the needs of separate groups and playing off one interest against another. He won the mestizos’ support by supplying them with political jobs. The privileged Creole classes were cooperative in return for the government’s noninterference in their haciendas and for positions of honour in the administration. The Roman Catholic Church maintained a policy of noninvolvement in return for a certain degree of freedom. The Indians, who formed a full third of the population, were ignored.
 
 

Porfirio Diaz
  When Díaz came to power, the Mexican government was in debt and had very little cash reserves. Therefore, he enthusiastically encouraged investment by foreigners. Conditions were made so advantageous to the suppliers of capital that Mexican industries and workers alike suffered. Díaz was no economist, but his two principal advisers, Matías Romero and José Y. Limantour (after 1893), were responsible for the influx of foreigners to build railroads and bridges, to dig mines, and to irrigate fields. Mexico’s new wealth, however, was not distributed throughout the country; most of the profits went abroad or stayed in the hands of a very few wealthy Mexicans. By 1910 the economy had declined and national revenues were shrinking, which necessitated borrowing. With wages decreasing, strikes were frequent. Agricultural workers were faced with extreme poverty and debt peonage.

On Feb. 17, 1908, in an interview with a reporter for Pearson’s Magazine, Díaz announced his retirement. Immediately opposition and progovernment groups began to scramble to find suitable presidential candidates. Then, as plans were being formalized, Díaz decided not to retire but to allow Francisco Madero, an aristocratic but democratically inclined reformer, to run against him. Madero lost the election, as was expected, but when he resorted to a military revolution the government proved surprisingly weak and collapsed. Díaz resigned office on May 25, 1911, and went into exile.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Talleyrand becomes Louis Philippe's ambassador to London
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Ecuador secedes from Gran Colombia and becomes an independent republic
 
 
Gran Colombia
 
Gran Colombia, formal name Republic of Colombia , short-lived republic (1819–30), formerly the Viceroyalty of New Granada, including roughly the modern nations of Colombia, Panama, Venezuela, and Ecuador.
 
In the context of their war for independence from Spain, revolutionary forces in northern South America, led by Simón Bolívar, in 1819 laid the basis for a regular government at a congress in Angostura (now Ciudad Bolívar, Venezuela). Their republic was definitely organized at the Congress of Cúcuta in 1821. Before then the government had been military and highly centralized with direct executive power exercised by regional vice presidents while President Bolívar was campaigning. It was reorganized as a centralized representative republic with its capital at Bogotá; Bolívar became president and Francisco de Paula Santander vice president. The constitution also called for a bicameral legislature elected from the three regions of the republic.

Gran Colombia had a brief, vigorous existence during the war. Subsequent civilian and military rivalry for public office and regional jealousies led to a rebellion in Venezuela in 1826. After ruling as dictator from 1828 to 1830, Bolívar convoked a convention to frame a new constitution. It was recognized only in Nueva Granada (Colombia and Panama). Bolívar resigned and left for the northern coast, where he died, near Santa Marta, on December 17, 1830. By that time Venezuela and Ecuador had seceded from Gran Colombia. Thus Gran Colombia essentially passed into history with its principal architect.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
see also: Gran Colombia–Peru War (1828-1829)
 
 
see also: Ecuadorian War of Independence
 
 
     
 



World Countries



Ecuador
     
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Wartenburg Johann David Ludwig
 

Johann David Ludwig Graf Yorck von Wartenburg (26 September 1759 – 4 October 1830) was a Prussian Generalfeldmarschall instrumental in the switching of the Kingdom of Prussia from a French alliance to a Russian alliance during the War of the Sixth Coalition. Ludwig van Beethoven's "Yorckscher Marsch" is named in his honor.

 

Johann David Ludwig Graf Yorck von Wartenburg
  Johann Yorck, count von Wartenburg, Yorck also spelled York, Johann also rendered Hans (born Sept. 26, 1759, Potsdam, Prussia [now in Germany]—died Oct. 4, 1830, Klein-Öls, Silesia [now Oleśnica, Pol.]), Prussian field marshal, reformer, and successful commander during the Wars of Liberation (1813–15) against France.

His initiative in signing a separate neutrality agreement with Russia during the Napoleonic invasion of that country (Convention of Tauroggen, 1812) opened the way for Prussia to join the Allied powers against Napoleon.

Yorck entered the Prussian army in 1772 but was cashiered for disobedience in 1779. Joining the Dutch army, he served mainly in the Dutch East Indies, where he became familiar with skirmish warfare and open battle formations. After reinstatement in the Prussian army (1787), he fought in Poland (1794) and successfully commanded the rear guard after Napoleon’s rout of the Prussian army at Jena (October 1806).
Promoted to major general in 1807, Yorck, as inspector of light infantry, played a leading role in the reorganization of the Prussian army. An excellent tactician, he became the tactical teacher of the army, developing the infantry scout and the line of skirmishes. His conservatism, however, led him to oppose the liberal army reforms proposed by General August Neidhardt von Gneisenau.

 
 
In 1812 Yorck led the Prussian contingent of Napoleon’s invading army in Russia. During Napoleon’s disastrous retreat, he concluded the Tauroggen Convention with the Russians, neutralizing his force. The Prussian king Frederick William III signed the Treaty of Kalisch (Feb. 28, 1813), which justified Yorck’s action and brought Prussia into the Allied camp. In the subsequent campaigns, Yorck distinguished himself again and was created Graf von Wartenburg in 1814. He remained in the army after the conclusion of peace.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1830
 
 
Petar II Petrovic-Njegos
 

Petar II Petrovic-Njegos (Serbian Cyrillic: Петар II Петровић Његош, pronounced; 13 November 1813 – 31 October 1851) was a Prince-Bishop of Montenegro, a Serbian Orthodox Metropolitan of Cetinje, a philosopher and poet, whose work is considered responsible for the modernization of Montenegro.

 

Petar II Petrovic-Njegos
  Njegoš was born in the village of Njeguši, near the town of Cetinje. Growing up with illiterate peasants, he left his home at age eleven to be educated in the Cetinje monastery (at that time, the only place of learning in Montenegro). After the death of his uncle, Petar I, Njegoš became Prince-Bishop of Montenegro at age seventeen. As a ruler and reformer, one of his achievements was to persuade the clan chiefs of Montenegro to introduce fair taxation and a code of laws based on human rights into their mountain communities. Njegoš was a proponent of uniting and liberating the Serbian people, willing to concede his princely rights in exchange for a union with Serbia. Although it did not occur during his lifetime, he laid the foundation for Yugoslavism and introduced modern political concepts to Montenegro. Njegoš was prince-bishop until his 1851 death from tuberculosis at age 37.

Venerated as a poet and philosopher, Njegoš is known for The Mountain Wreath, (considered a masterpiece of Serbian and South Slavic literature and the national epic of Montenegro, Serbia, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). He was buried in a small chapel on Mount Lovćen, which was destroyed by the Austro-Hungarians during the First World War. Njegoš' remains were moved to the Cetinje Monastery and then to the rebuilt chapel in 1925; the chapel was replaced by Ivan Meštrović's mausoleum in 1974, with the support of the Yugoslavian government.

 
 
Njegoš has remained influential in Montenegro and neighbouring countries. His works have influenced a variety of groups, including irredentists, Serbian nationalists and Communists. In 2011, Njegoš was called the "Montenegrin Shakespeare" by The Independent.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 
 

Petar II Petrović-Njegoš as Prince-Bishop of Montenegro
  Peter II, Montenegrin in full Petar Petrović Njegoš (born Nov. 13, [Nov. 1, old style], 1813, Njegoš, Montenegro—died Oct. 31 [Oct. 19, O.S.], 1851, Cetinje), the vladika or prince-bishop of Montenegro from 1830 to 1851, renowned as an enlightened ruler, an intrepid warrior, and especially as a poet.

His principal works were “The Ray of the Microcosm,” “The False Tsar Stephen the Small,” and “The Mountain Wreath.”

On succeeding his uncle Peter I, he took the title of Peter II rather than his own Christian name of Rado.

As part of the tradition of theocratic Montenegro, Peter was consecrated bishop in 1833 (the practice was discontinued by his successor).

While maintaining his lands in wars against the traditional enemy, the Turks, Peter II conducted reforms that were financed in part by an annual subsidy from Tsar Nicholas I of Russia. Schools were founded, and the first printing press was installed at Cetinje, the capital.

Peter strengthened his government by eliminating the office of civil governor, which had been held on a hereditary basis by the Radonić family, and by transferring the power of local chieftains to a senate of 12 leading chiefs, meeting in Cetinje under his supervision.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Charles, 2nd Earl Grey becomes Prime Minister of Great Britain (— 1834)
 
 
Grey Charles
 

Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey, also called (1801–06) Baron Grey, or (1806–07) Viscount Howick (born March 13, 1764, Falloden, Northumberland, Eng.—died July 17, 1845, Howick, Northumberland), British politician, leader of the Whig (liberal) Party, and prime minister (1830–34), who presided over the passage of the Reform Act of 1832, modernizing the franchise and the electoral system.

 

Charles, 2nd Earl Grey, c. 1820
  Entry into politics
Grey received a conventional aristocratic education at Eton and Cambridge. When only 22 he was elected member of Parliament for Northumberland. Entering the London world in 1786, he gravitated immediately to the fashionable but rakish circle of the leader of the liberal Whig Party, Charles James Fox; the politician-playwright Richard Sheridan; and the Prince of Wales. Handsome, witty, and attractive, Grey soon became prominent among the aristocratic Whig set that provided the political opposition to the conservative government of William Pitt (1759–1806).

When the French Revolution in 1789 revived the political agitation caused by the American Revolution, Grey was one of the young Whig aristocrats who formed the Society of the Friends of the People (1792) to encourage lower and middle-class demands for parliamentary reform. These activities—which at the time were considered radical—followed by the outbreak of war with revolutionary France in 1793, split the Whig Party. The emotions generated by the conflict with France, the repressive, though popular, measures taken by the government, and the extreme and often absurd lengths to which Fox carried his pro-French sympathies turned his following into an impotent and discredited minority. Grey’s parliamentary reform bill of 1797 was heavily defeated, and for some years afterward Fox’s faction of the Whigs virtually withdrew from parliamentary life.
 
 
Grey’s marriage in 1794 to Mary Elizabeth Ponsonby, the daughter of a leading Irish liberal family, strengthened his sympathies with the cause of Catholic emancipation; however, it weakened his zeal for politics. A devoted husband with a growing family (numbering 15 children by 1819), Grey found contentment in a close and affectionate home life. In 1801 his bachelor uncle Sir Henry allowed him to use Howick, a country house on the Northumberland coast, as his permanent residence. Howick was four days travel from London, and Grey’s dilatoriness in coming south for the parliamentary sessions frequently evoked Fox’s good-humoured reproaches. Some of Grey’s political extremism had also waned. His criticisms of the government for resuming the war with France in 1803 were noticeably milder than those of his chief.
 
 

Lord Grey, 1828 by Sir Thomas Lawrence
  Foreign secretary
When on Pitt’s death in 1806 Lord Grenville formed the so-called government of All the Talents that included the Fox group, Grey (now Lord Howick) became first lord of the Admiralty. When Fox died the same year, Grey took his place as foreign secretary and leader of the Foxite Whigs. The dismissal of the ministry the following year, because of a disagreement with the King over relieving Catholic disabilities, left Grey with an ingrained distaste for office without freedom of action or pledges without certainty of performance.

The loss of his seat for Northumberland as a result of his Catholic sympathies, followed by his removal in 1807 to the House of Lords, increased his political detachment. In the political negotiations of 1810–12, which were initiated by the Prince of Wales when he became regent, Grey and Grenville frigidly declined to accept anything less than complete power. The end of the war came with the Pittite Cabinet of Robert Banks Jenkinson, 2nd earl of Liverpool, firmly established in office.

Between 1815 and 1830 Grey was patron, rather than leader, of the quarrelsome and divided Whig opposition. While holding that Catholic Emancipation was a condition of any genuine Whig government, he accepted the fact that parliamentary reform must wait until there was solid support for it in the country.

 
 
He thought the political stability of Britain was endangered both by the reactionary postwar policy of the administration of Lord Liverpool and by the demands for democratic reform put forward by doctrinaire agitators. His private conclusion was that the task of a Whig ministry, if one could ever be formed, would be to produce a measure of reform large enough to satisfy respectable opinion and yet conservative enough to preserve the basic principles of the aristocratic constitution.
 
 
Grey’s Reform Bill
In 1830 Grey’s opportunity came at last. The grant of Catholic emancipation in 1829 had destroyed the last cohesion of the conservative Liverpool party. The collapse of the Duke of Wellington’s ministry in 1830 brought Grey into office on his own terms and with popular backing for a reform of the antiquated parliamentary representative system. But the extent of the changes proposed in his bill of 1831 staggered even his own supporters, and it needed a fresh general election and the coercion of the House of Lords before the bill ultimately passed into law. Grey had misjudged the temper of both houses and involved himself in a painful conflict with the new king William IV when he had reluctantly to ask for enough new peers to be created to carry the bill. He had not, however, misjudged the temper of the country. A wave of popular enthusiasm sustained him during the long battle for reform in 1831–32 and returned a vast liberal majority to the House of Commons in 1833. The epochmaking Reform Act of 1832 was the crowning achievement of the old Whig Party, and he had shown courage and imagination in forcing it through to the statute book. But the measure that he envisaged as a conservative and healing act of statesmanship was regarded by many of his new supporters as a springboard for further extensive changes in church and state. The strains of the new era produced quarrels and resignations in his Cabinet, and Grey retired from politics two years later.

Norman Gash, Jr.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 
1830
 
 
November Uprising (1830–31)
 

The November Uprising (1830–31), Polish–Russian War 1830–31 also known as the Cadet Revolution, was an armed rebellion in the heartland of partitioned Poland against the Russian Empire. The uprising began on 29 November 1830 in Warsaw when the young Polish officers from the local Army of the Congress Poland's military academy revolted, led by lieutenant Piotr Wysocki. They were soon joined by large segments of Polish society, and the insurrection spread to the territories of Lithuania, western Belarus, and the right-bank of Ukraine. Despite some local successes, the uprising was eventually crushed by a numerically superior Imperial Russian Army under Ivan Paskevich. Czar Nicholas I decreed that henceforth Poland was an integral part of Russia, with Warsaw little more than a military garrison, its university closed.

 

Taking of the Warsaw Arsenal. Painting by Marcin Zaleski.
 
 
Poland before the uprising
After the Partitions of Poland, Poland ceased to exist as an independent political entity at the end of 1795. However, the Napoleonic Wars and Polish participation in the wars against Russia and Austria resulted in the creation of a rump Duchy of Warsaw in 1807. The Congress of Vienna brought the existence of that state to an end in 1815, and essentially solidified the long-term division of Poland among Russia, Prussia and the Habsburg Empire. The Austrian Empire annexed some of its territories in the South, Prussia took control over the semi-autonomous Grand Duchy of Poznań in the West, and Russia assumed hegemony over the semi-autonomous so-called Congress Kingdom.

Initially, the Russian-formed Congress Kingdom enjoyed a relatively large amount of internal autonomy and was only indirectly subject to imperial control, having its own constitution of the Kingdom of Poland. United with Russia through a personal union with the Tsar as King of Poland, the province could elect its own parliament (the Sejm) and government. The kingdom had its own courts, army and treasury. Over time, however, the freedoms granted to the Kingdom were gradually taken back and the constitution was progressively ignored by the Russian authorities. Alexander I of Russia never formally crowned himself as King of Poland.

  Instead, in 1815, he appointed Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich as de facto viceroy, disregarding the constitution.
Soon after the Congress of Vienna resolutions were signed, Russia ceased to respect them. In 1819 Alexander I abandoned liberty of the press in Congress Kingdom and introduced censorship. Russian secret police commanded by Nikolay Nikolayevich Novosiltsev started infiltration and persecution of Polish clandestine organizations, and in 1821 the Tsar ordered the abolition of freemasonry. As a result, after 1825 sessions of Polish Sejm were conducted in secret. Nicholas I of Russia formally crowned himself as King of Poland on 24 May 1829 in Warsaw.

Despite numerous protests by various Polish politicians who actively supported the "personal union", Grand Duke Constantine had no intention of respecting the Polish constitution, one of the most progressive in Europe at that time. He abolished Polish social and patriotic organizations, the liberal opposition of the Kaliszanie faction, and replaced Poles with Russians in important administrative positions. Although married to a Pole (Joanna Grudzińska), he was commonly considered as an enemy of the Polish nation. Also, his command over the Polish Army led to serious conflicts within the officer corps. These frictions led to various conspiracies throughout the country, most notably within the army.

 
 

Fighting between Polish insurgents and the Russian cuirassiers on bridge in Warsaw's Łazienki Park. In the background, an equestrian statue of King John III Sobieski (painting by Wojciech Kossak, 1898)
 
 
Outbreak
The armed struggle began when a group of conspirators led by a young cadet from the Warsaw officers' school, Piotr Wysocki, took arms from their garrison on 29 November 1830 and attacked the Belweder Palace, the main seat of the Grand Duke. The final spark that ignited Warsaw was a Russian plan to use the Polish Army to suppress France's July Revolution and the Belgian Revolution, in clear violation of the Polish constitution. The rebels managed to enter the Belweder, but Grand Duke Constantine had escaped in women's clothing. The rebels then turned to the main city arsenal, capturing it after a brief struggle. The following day, armed Polish civilians forced the Russian troops to withdraw north of Warsaw. This incident is sometimes called the Warsaw Uprising or the November Night.
 
 

Battle of Stoczek by Jan Rosen
 
 
The uprising
Taken by surprise by the rapid unfolding of events during the night of 29 November, the local Polish government (Administrative Council) assembled immediately to take control and to decide on a course of action.

Unpopular ministers were removed and men like Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, the historian Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz and General Józef Chłopicki took their places. Loyalists led by Prince Czartoryski initially tried to negotiate with Grand Duke Constantine and to settle matters peacefully.

However, when Czartoryski told the Council that Constantine was ready to forgive the offenders and that the matter would be amicably settled, Maurycy Mochnacki and other radicals angrily objected and demanded a national uprising. Fearing an immediate break with Russia, the Government agreed to let Constantine depart with his troops.

Mochnacki did not trust the newly constituted ministry and set out to replace it with the Patriotic Club, organized by him. At a large public demonstration on 3 December in Warsaw, he denounced the negotiations between the Government and Grand Duke Constantine, who was encamped outside the city.

Mochnacki advocated a military campaign in Lithuania so as to spare the country the devastation of war and preserve the local food supply. The meeting adopted a number of demands to be communicated to the Administrative Council, including the establishment of a revolutionary government and an immediate attack upon the forces of Constantine. The Polish army, with all but two of its generals, Wincenty Krasiński and Zygmunt Kurnatowski, now joined the uprising.
  The remaining four ministers of the pre-revolutionary cabinet left the Administrative Council, and their places were taken by Mochnacki and three of his associates from the Patriotic Club, including Joachim Lelewel. The new body was known as the Provisional Government. To legalize its actions the Provisional Government ordered the convocation of the Sejm and on 5 December 1830 proclaimed Chłopicki as Dictator of the Uprising. Chłopicki considered the uprising an act of madness, but bowed to pressure and consented to take command temporarily, in the hope that it would be unnecessary to take the field. An able and highly decorated soldier, he had retired from the army because of the chicanery of Constantine. He overestimated the power of Russia and underestimated the strength and fervor of the Polish revolutionary movement. By temperament and conviction he was opposed to a war with Russia, not believing in a successful outcome. He accepted the dictatorship essentially in order to maintain internal peace and to save the Constitution.

Believing that Tsar Nicholas was unaware of his brother's actions and that the uprising could be ended if the Russian authorities accepted the Constitution, Chłopicki's first move was to send Prince Franciszek Ksawery Drucki-Lubecki to Saint Petersburg to negotiate. Chłopicki refrained from strengthening the Polish army and refused to initiate armed hostilities by expelling Russian forces from Lithuania. However, the radicals in Warsaw pressed for war and the complete liberation of Poland. On 13 December, the Sejm pronounced the National Uprising against Russia, and on 7 January 1831 Prince Drucki-Lubecki returned from Russia with no concessions. The Tsar demanded the complete and unconditional surrender of Poland and announced that the Poles should surrender to the grace of their Emperor. His plans foiled, Chłopicki resigned the following day.
 
 

Battle of Olszynka Grochowska
 
 
Power in Poland was now in the hands of the radicals united in the Towarzystwo Patriotyczne (Patriotic Society) directed by Joachim Lelewel. On 25 January 1831, the Sejm passed the Act of Dethronization of Nicholas I, which ended the Polish-Russian personal union and was equivalent to a declaration of war on Russia. The proclamation declared that "the Polish nation is an independent people and has a right to offer the Polish crown to him whom it may consider worthy, from whom it might with certainty expect faith to his oath and wholehearted respect to the sworn guarantees of civic freedom."

On 29 January, the National Government of Adam Jerzy Czartoryski was established, and Michał Gedeon Radziwiłł was chosen as successor to Chłopicki. Chłopicki was persuaded to accept active command of the army.

 
 

Emilia Plater leading scythemen 1831
 
 
The Russo-Polish war
It was too late to move the theatre of hostilities to Lithuania. On 4 February, a 115,000 strong Russian army under Field Marshal Hans Karl von Diebitsch crossed the Polish borders. The first major battle took place on 14 February 1831, close to the village of Stoczek near Łuków. In the Battle of Stoczek, Polish cavalry under Brigadier Józef Dwernicki defeated the Russian division of Teodor Geismar. However, the victory had mostly psychological value and could not stop the Russian advance towards Warsaw. The subsequent battles of Dobre, Wawer and Białołęka were inconclusive.

The Polish forces then assembled on the right bank of the Vistula to defend the capital. On 25 February, a Polish contingent of approximately 40,000 met a Russian force of 60,000 east of Warsaw, in the Battle of Olszynka Grochowska. Both armies withdrew after almost two days of heavy fighting and with considerable losses on both sides. Over 7,000 Poles fell on that field, and the number of killed in the Russian army was slightly larger. Diebitsch was forced to retreat to Siedlce and Warsaw was saved.

Chłopicki, whose soldierly qualities reasserted themselves by military activity, was wounded in action and his place taken by General Jan Skrzynecki who, like his predecessor, had won distinction under Napoleon for personal courage. Disliked by Grand Duke Constantine, he had retired from service. He shared with Chłopicki the conviction war with Russia was futile, but with the opening of hostilities took command of a corps and fought creditably at Grochov. When the weak and indecisive Michał Radziwiłł surrendered the dictatorship, Skrzynecki was chosen to succeed him. He endeavored to end the war by negotiations with the Russian field commanders and hoped for benign foreign intervention.

 
 

Battle of Ostrołęka, 1831. Painting by Juliusz Kossak.
 
 
Sympathetic echoes of the Polish aspirations were reverberating throughout Europe. Under Lafayette's chairmanship, enthusiastic meetings had been held in Paris. Some money for the Polish cause was also collected in the United States. The governments of France and England, however, did not share in the feelings of some of their people. King Louis-Philippe of France thought mainly of securing for himself recognition on the part of all European governments, and Lord Palmerston was intent on maintaining friendly relations with Russia. England regarded with alarm the reawakening of the French national spirit and did not wish to weaken Russia, "as Europe might soon again require her services in the cause of order, and to prevent Poland, whom it regarded as a national ally of France, from becoming a French province of the Vistula." Austria and Prussia adopted a position of benevolent neutrality towards Russia. They closed the Polish frontiers and prevented the transportation of munitions of war or supplies of any kind.

Under these circumstances the war with Russia began to take on a somber and disquieting aspect. The Poles fought desperately and attempts were made to rouse Volhynia, Podolia, Samogitia and Lithuania. With the exception of the Lithuanian uprising, in which the youthful Countess Emilia Plater and several other women distinguished themselves, the guerilla warfare carried on in the frontier provinces was of minor importance and served only to give Russia an opportunity to crush local risings. Notorious was the slaughter of the inhabitants of the small town of Ashmiany in Belarus. Meanwhile, new Russian forces under Grand Duke Michael Pavlovich of Russia arrived in Poland but met with many defeats. Constant warfare, however, and bloody battles such as that at Ostroleka in which 8,000 Poles lost their lives, considerably depleted the Polish forces. Mistakes on the part of the commanders, constant changes and numerous resignations, and the inactivity of the commanders, who continued to hope for foreign intervention, added to the feeling of despair.
 
 

Emilia Plater skirmishing at Siauliai (Polish: Szawle). Painting by Wojciech Kossak, 1904.
 
 
The more radical elements severely criticized the government not only for its inactivity, but also for its lack of land reform and its failure to recognize the peasants’ rights to the soil they tilled, but the Sejm, fearing that the governments of Europe might regard the war with Russia as social revolution, procrastinated and haggled over concessions. The initial enthusiasm of the peasantry waned, and the ineptitude of the government became more apparent.

In the meantime, the Russian forces, commanded after the death of Diebitsch by General Paskievitch, were moving to encircle Warsaw. Skrzynecki failed to prevent the Russian forces from joining, and the Sejm responded to popular clamor for his deposition by appointing General Dembinski to temporary command. The atmosphere was highly charged. Severe rioting took place and the government became completely disorganized. Count Jan Krukowiecki was made President of the Ruling Council. He had little faith in the success of the military campaign, but believed that when passions had subsided he could end the war on, what seemed to him, advantageous terms.

 
 

Charge of the Polish uhlans city of Poznań during November Uprising
 
 
Despite desperate defense by General Józef Sowiński, Warsaw's suburb of Wola fell to Paskievitch's forces on 6 September. The next day saw the second line of the capital's defensive works attacked by the Russians. During the night of 7 September Krukowiecki capitulated, although the city still held out. He was immediately deposed by the Polish government and replaced by Bonawentura Niemojowski. The army and the government withdrew to the Modlin fortress, on the Vistula, subsequently renamed Novo-Georgievsk by the Russians, and then to Płock. New plans had been adopted when the news arrived that the Polish crack corps under Ramorino, unable to join the main army, had laid down its arms after crossing the Austrian frontier into Galicia. It became evident that the war could be carried on no longer.

On 5 October 1831, the remainder of the Polish army of over 20,000 men crossed the Prussian frontier and laid down their arms at Brodnica in preference to submission to Russia. Only one man, a colonel by the name of Stryjenski, gained the peculiar distinction of giving himself up to Russia.

Following the example of Dombrowski of a generation before, General Bem endeavored to reorganize the Polish soldiers in Prussia and Galicia into Legions and lead them to France, but the Prussian government frustrated his plans. The immigrants left Prussia in bands of between fifty and a hundred, and their journey through the various German principalities was greeted with enthusiasm by the local populations. Even some of the German sovereigns, such as the King of Saxony, the Princess of Weimar and the Duke of Gotha shared in the general demonstration of sympathy. It was only upon the very insistent demands of Russia that the Polish committees all over Germany had to be closed.

 
 
Postscript
Adam Czartoryski remarked that the war with Russia, precipitated by the rising of young patriots in November 1830, came either too early or too late. Puzyrewski argued, that the rising should have been initiated in 1828 when Russia was experiencing reverses in Turkey and was least able to spare substantial forces for war with Poland (Lewinski-Corwin, 1917). Military critics, among them Russian pundit, General Puzyrevsky, maintained that in spite of the inequality of resources of the two countries, Poland had had every chance of holding her own against Russia, had the campaign been managed skillfully. Russia sent over 180,000 well trained men against Poland's 70,000; 30% of whom were fresh recruits who entered the service at the opening of hostilities. "In view of this, one would think that not only was the result of the struggle undoubted, but its course should have been something of a triumphant march for the infinitely stronger party. Instead, the war lasted eight months, with often doubtful success. At times the balance seemed to tip decidedly to the side of the weaker adversary who dealt not only blows, but even ventured daring offensives."

It had long been argued (wrote Edward Lewinski-Corwin in 1917) that "anarchy and a lack of concord" among people were the causes of Poland's national downfall. Thus, when the rising finally began, the insurgents demanded absolute power for their leaders and tolerated no criticism, afraid that discord would again prove ruinous for all. However, the men chosen to lead – because of their past achievements – proved unable to perform the great task expected of them. Moreover, many apparently had little faith that their joint effort could succeed.

Militarily, Poland might have succeeded if the line of battle had been established in Lithuania (wrote Lewinski-Corwin) and if the Russian forces arriving in Poland progressively, had been dealt with separately and decisively, one-unit-after-another.

  After the end of the November Uprising, Polish women wore black ribands and jewellery as a symbol of mourning for their lost homeland. Such images can be seen in the first scenes of the movie Pan Tadeusz, filmed by Andrzej Wajda in 1999, based on the Polish national epic. A 1937 German film Ride to Freedom was partly shot on location in Poland.

The Scottish poet Thomas Campbell, who had championed the cause of the Poles in The Pleasures of Hope, was affected by the news of the capture of Warsaw by the Russians in 1831 as if it had been the deepest of personal calamities. "Poland preys on my heart night and day", he wrote in one of his letters, and his sympathy found a practical expression in the foundation in London of the Association of the Friends of Poland.

Despite Poland's deep connection to Catholicism and the fact that many participants in the rebellion were Catholic, the rebellion was condemned by the Church. Pope Gregory XVI issued an encyclical in the following year of 1832 on the subject of civil disobedience that was entitled Cum Primum, and which stated:

When the first report of the calamities, which so seriously devastated your flourishing kingdom reached our ears, We learned simultaneously that they had been caused by some fabricators of deceit and lies.

Under the pretext of religion, and revolting against the legitimate authority of the princes, they filled their fatherland, which they loosed from due obedience to authority, with mourning. We shed abundant tears at the feet of God, grieving over the harsh evil with which some of our flock was afflicted. Afterward We humbly prayed that God would enable your provinces, agitated by so many and so serious dissensions, to be restored to peace and to the rule of legitimate authority.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 
 
 
1830
 
 
Serbia a fully autonomous state with Milos Obrenovic as "Supreme Chief"
 
 
Milos Obrenovic I
 

Milos, English Milosh, Serbo-Croatian in full Miloš Obrenović, original name Miloš Teodorović (born March 7 [March 18, New Style], 1780, Srednja Dobrinja, Serbia—died Sept. 14 [Sept. 26], 1860, Topčider, near Belgrade), Serbian peasant revolutionary who became prince of Serbia (1815–39 and 1858–60) and who founded the Obrenović dynasty.

 

Milos Obrenovic I, Prince of Serbia
  Miloš Teodorović, originally a herdsman, worked for his half brother Milan Obrenović, then joined Karadjordje, who was leading the Serbs in a rebellion against their Ottoman Turkish rulers (1804–13). In 1805 Miloš was appointed a commander in the rebel forces, but after his half brother was killed (1810), possibly by Karadjordje, he took the surname Obrenović and assumed an enmity toward Karadjordje. When Karadjordje fled into Hungary following the collapse of his revolt (1813), Miloš remained in Serbia. The Turks appointed him knez (prince) of three central Serb districts, and he cooperated with them in pacifying the country, even helping in the suppression of a new revolt (1814). But when the Turks began large-scale massacres, Miloš gathered his followers at Takovo, Serbia, and on Palm Sunday (April 1815) began his own revolt, quickly winning a series of military victories. Because the Turks feared that Russia might intervene on the Serbs’ behalf, a peace settlement was soon arranged (December 1815). The Turks recognized Miloš as prince of Serbia, which was granted a large degree of autonomy but remained a part of the Ottoman Empire; they also allowed the Serbs to retain their weapons and to hold their own national assembly, or Skupština.

Miloš, who shortly thereafter ordered that Karadjordje be murdered, consolidated his position and in November 1817 was named the hereditary prince of Serbia by the Skupština. Demonstrating himself to be a patient yet determined diplomat, Miloš then conducted prolonged negotiations with the Turks, who finally recognized Miloš’ position as hereditary and granted full autonomy to the Serb principality (Aug. 28, 1830).

 
 
Three years later Miloš also acquired possession of the eastern Serb lands that the Turks had originally excluded from his jurisdiction (May 25, 1833).

Despite his diplomatic successes, his achievements in promoting trade, reorganizing the army, and building roads and his agricultural and land-distribution policies favouring peasants with small landholdings, Miloš’ autocratic methods aroused strong opposition. In 1835 he was compelled to grant a constitution; and when Russia and Turkey forced him to repeal it (regarding it as too liberal), the Turkish sultan promulgated another constitution for Serbia in December 1838. In accordance with it, Miloš appointed a council of 17 senators, who immediately demanded his abdication. Naming his son Milan as his successor (June 13, 1839), Miloš Obrenović retired to his estates in Walachia.
 
 

Takovo, proclamation of Uprising
 
 
Twenty years later the Skupština called on Miloš to return to the throne to replace Alexander Karadjordjević (reigned 1842–58), whom it had deposed in December 1858. Resuming his autocratic methods, Miloš then adopted policies that defied Austria, which had gained a great deal of influence over Serbia during the preceding reign. He also demanded that the Turks again recognize his position as hereditary and reduce their military strength inside Serbia. Before he could accomplish his aims, however, he died.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1830
 
 
Bolivar Simon, Lat.-Amer. soldier-statesman, d. (b. 1783)
 
 
Simón Bolívar, byname The Liberator, Spanish El Libertador (born July 24, 1783, Caracas, New Granada [now in Venezuela]—died December 17, 1830, near Santa Marta, Colombia), South American soldier and statesman who led the revolutions against Spanish rule in the Viceroyalty of New Granada. He was president of Gran Colombia (1819–30) and dictator of Peru (1823–26).
 

Bolívar's death by Venezuelan painter Antonio Herrera Toro
 
 
 
1830
 
 
Mysore added to Britain's possessions in India
 
 
Mysore
 

Mysore, also spelled Mysuru, city, south-central Karnataka state, southern India. It lies northwest of Chamundi Hill and midway between the Kaveri (Cauvery) and Kabani (Kabbani) rivers on the undulating Deccan plateau at an elevation of 2,525 feet (770 metres). The land surrounding the city is characterized by rain-filled shallow depressions (tanks).

 
The site was mentioned in the epic Mahabharata as Mahishmati (Mahismati). Mysore was known as Purigere in the Mauryan era (3rd century bce) and later became Mahishapura. It was the administrative capital of the princely state of Mysore from 1799 to 1831 and long was the second most-populous city (after Bangalore [Bengaluru]) of Karnataka state, until being surpassed by Hubli-Dharwad in the second half of the 20th century. Its urban agglomeration, however, is still the state’s second largest.

Mysore is an important manufacturing and trading centre, and it has textile (cotton and silk), rice, and oil mills, sandalwood-oil and chemical factories, and tanneries. The suburb of Belagula, to the northwest, produces chrome dyes and chemical fertilizer. The city’s industries are powered by the hydroelectric station near Sivasamudram Island to the east. Mysore’s cottage industries include cotton weaving, tobacco and coffee processing, and the making of bidis (cigarettes). The area is known for its artwork in ivory, metal, and wood, and the market near the railway station serves as a collection centre for local farm products. The city has an airport, lies at the junction of two northern railway lines, and is a major intersection on India’s principal western road system.

An ancient fort, rebuilt along European lines in the 18th century, stands in the centre of Mysore. The fort area comprises the Maharaja’s Palace (1897) with its ivory and gold throne, Curzon Park, the Silver Jubilee Clock Tower (1927), Gandhi Square, and two statues of maharajas.

 
Chamundeshwari Temple atop the Chamundi Hills
 
 
To the west, near Gordon Park, are the former British residency (1805), the noted Oriental Library, university buildings, and public offices. Jaganmohan Palace and Lalitha Mahal are other notable buildings. The University of Mysore was founded in 1916; other educational facilities include Maharaja’s College, Maharani’s College for Women, and affiliated colleges of medicine, law, engineering, and teacher training. There are also several institutions for the advancement of Kannada culture.

Pilgrims frequent Chamundi Hill (about 3,490 feet [1,064 metres]), with its monolith of Nandi, the sacred bull of Shiva; the summit affords an excellent view of the Nilgiri Hills to the south. Krishnaraja Lake, a large reservoir with a dam, lies 12 miles (19 km) northwest of Mysore at the Kaveri River. Spreading below the dam are the terraced Brindavan Gardens with their cascades and fountains, which are floodlit at night. Somnathpur, to the east, has a temple built (1268) under the Hoysala dynasty. Bandipur Sanctuary, part of the Venugopal Wildlife Park (1941), is usually approached from Mysore; it is noted for herds of gaur (Indian bison) and spotted deer, has a network of roads for observation, and adjoins Mudumalai Wildlife Sanctuary in Tamil Nadu state. The area in which Mysore is situated is drained by the Kaveri River and its tributaries. Cotton is grown on large tracts of black soil, and rice, millet, and oilseeds are exported. Pop. (2001) city, 755,379; urban agglom., 799,228; (2011) city, 893,062; urban agglom., 990,900.

Encyclopædia Britannica

 
 
 
1830
 
 
Red Jacket
 
Red Jacket, original name Otetiani, also called Sagoyewatha (born 1758?, Canoga, New York [U.S.]—died January 20, 1830, Seneca Village, Buffalo, New York, U.S.), Seneca chief whose magnificent oratory masked his schemes to maintain his position despite double-dealing against his people’s interests. His first Indian name was Otetiani, and he assumed the name Sagoyewatha upon becoming a chief.
 

Red Jacket
  “Red Jacket” was his English name, a result of the succession of red coats he wore while on the British side during the American Revolution.

Red Jacket retreated at the approach of General John Sullivan’s American troops in 1779, and he even attempted to conclude a separate peace with the Americans. For these actions, Red Jacket was considered a coward by many of his own people. But he put his splendid oratorical skills to protesting the inevitable peacemaking with the United States at an Indian council in 1786, and his oratory succeeded in sustaining him as a Seneca chief.

Red Jacket constantly sought to portray himself as a bitter enemy of the whites. Yet, while he publicly opposed land sales in 1787, 1788, and 1790, he secretly signed the property cessions to protect his prestige with the Americans. Later, however, he seems to have become more sincere in protesting white influence on Seneca customs, religion, and language. He vehemently opposed missionaries’ living on Indian lands, and he vainly attempted to preserve Indian jurisdiction over criminal acts committed on Indian property.

During the 1820s Red Jacket lost prestige as his drinking and general dissipation became evident. In 1827 he was deposed as chief by a council of tribal leaders—only to be reinstated following a personal effort at reform and the intercession of the U.S. Office of Indian Affairs.

Encyclopædia Britannica
 
 
 

 
 
CONTENTS
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