Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY



1800 - 1899
1800-09 1810-19 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99
1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890
1801 1811 1821 1831 1841 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891
1802 1812 1822 1832 1842 1852 1862 1872 1882 1892
1803 1813 1823 1833 1843 1853 1863 1873 1883 1893
1804 1814 1824 1834 1844 1854 1864 1874 1884 1894
1805 1815 1825 1835 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895
1806 1816 1826 1836 1846 1856 1866 1876 1886 1896
1807 1817 1827 1837 1847 1857 1867 1877 1887 1897
1808 1818 1828 1838 1848 1858 1868 1878 1888 1898
1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899
  BACK-1810 -1819 NEXT-1810 Part II    
FitzGerald Edward
1810 - 1819
History at a Glance
1810 Part I
Marie Louise, Duchess of Parma
Edict of Fontainebleau
First Republic of Venezuela
Mexican War of Independence
Argentine War of Independence
Colombian Declaration of Independence
Foolish Fatherland
Chilean War of Independence
Bolivian war of independence
Charles XIV John
Invasion of Guadeloupe
Cavour Camillo
1810 Part II
Cumberland Presbyterian Church
Montalembert Charles
Musset Alfred
Scott: "The Lady of the Lake"
Goya: "The Disasters of War"
The Nazarenes
Beethoven: "Egmont"
Chopin Frederic
Chopin - Nocturne Op.9 No.2
Frederic Chopin
Nicolai Otto
Nicolai - The Merry Wives of Windsor - Overture
Otto Nicolai
Rossini: "La Cambiale di Matrimonio"
Schumann Robert
Schumann - Piano sonata n.1 op.11
Robert Schumann
Spurzheim Johann Gaspar
Hahnemann Samuel
Girard Philippe
Humboldt University of Berlin
Krupp Friedrich Carl
Barnum Phineas Taylor
1811 Part I
George IV
Battle of the Danube
Massacre of the Mamelukes at Cairo
Napoleon Francois-Joseph Charles
Battle of Fuentes de Onoro
Paraguay independent of Spain
Venezuelan War of Independence
Peruvian War of Independence
San Martin Jose
Battle of Las Piedras
Artigas Jose Gervagio
Invasion of Java
Battle of Tippecanoe
1811 Part II
Bottiger Karl August
Niebuhr Barthold Georg
University of Oslo
Jane Austen: "Sense and Sensibility"
Stowe Harriet Beecher
Friedrich de la Motte-Fouque: "Undine"
Gautier Theophile
Goethe: "Aus meinem Leben: Dichtung und Wahrheit"
Gutzkow Karl
Thackeray William Makepeace
Dupre Jules
Jules Dupre
Ingres: "Jupiter and Thetis"
Thomas Lawrence: Portrait of Benjamin West
Thorvaldsen: "Procession of Alexander the Great"
1811 Part III
Liszt Franz
Franz Liszt - Liebestraum - Love Dream
Franz Liszt
Prague Conservatoire
Carl Maria von Weber: "Abu Hassan"
Avogadro Amedeo
Great Comet of 1811
Bunsen Robert
Poisson Simeon-Denis
Manning Thomas
Berblinger Albrecht Ludwig
1812 Part I
French invasion of Russia
Battle of Borodino
Kutuzov Mikhail
Malet Claude-François
Perceval Spencer
1812 Part II
War of 1812
Battle of Salamanca
Siege of Burgos
Battle of Tordesillas
Hegel: "Science of Logic"
Jewish emancipation
Browning Robert
Robert Browning 
"Dramatic Romances"
"The Pied Piper of Hamelin"
The Brothers Grimm: "Fairy Tales"
Lord Byron: "Childe Harold's Pilgrimage"
Dickens Charles
Charles Dickens
"Great Expectations"
Theatre Royal Drury Lane
Goncharov Ivan Aleksandrovich
Smiles Samuel
Krasinski Zygmunt
Kraszewski Joseph Ignatius
1812 Part III
Elgin Marbles
Rousseau Theodore
Theodore Rousseau
Pforr Franz
Franz Pforr
Beethoven: Symphonies No. 7 (Op. 92)
Encounter between Beethoven and Goethe at Teplitz
Beethoven: Symphonies No. 8 (Op. 93)
Flotow Friedrich
Friedrich von Flotow: Piano Concerto No. 2
Friedrich von Flotow
Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, Vienna
Burckhardt Johann Ludwig
Krupp Alfred
Red River Settlement, Manitoba, Canada
Hampden Clubs
1813 Part I
German Campaign 1813–1814
Battle of Dresden
Battle of Lutzen
Battle of the Katzbach
Battle of Leipzig
Battle of York
Battle of Fort George
Capture of USS Chesapeake
Battle of Crysler's Farm
Capture of Fort Niagara
Battle of Buffalo
Battle of Vitoria
Siege of San Sebastian
First Serbian Uprising
1813 Part II
Herbart Johann Friedrich
Kierkegaard Soren
Schopenhauer: "On the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Sufficient Reason"
Colby College, Maine
The Baptist Union of Great Britain
Jane Austen: "Pride and Prejudice"
Buchner Georg
Byron: "The Giaour"
Hebbel Friedrich
Ludwig Otto
Shelley: "Queen Mab"
Turner: "Frosty Morning"
London Philharmonic Society
Rossini: "L'ltaliana in Algeri"
Verdi Giuseppe
Anna Netrebko "Final Scene" La traviata
Giuseppe Verdi
Wagner Richard
Richard Wagner - Ride Of The Valkyries
Richard Wagner
Campbell John
Blaxland Gregory
Across the Blue Mountains
Lord Thomas
1814 Part I
1814 campaign in France
Six Days Campaign
Battle of Champaubert
Battle of Montmirail
Battle of Chateau-Thierry
Battle of Vauchamps
Battle of Orthez
Treaty of Chaumont
Battle of Arcis-sur-Aube
Battle of Paris
Battle of Toulouse
Treaty of Fontainebleau
Treaty of Paris
Congress of Vienna
Napoleon's exile to Elba
1814 Part II
Christian VIII
Bakunin Mikhail
Battle of Chippawa
Burning of Washington
Battle of Plattsburgh
Treaty of Ghent
Anglo-Nepalese War of 1814–16
First Anglican bishop in Calcutta
Motley John Lothrop
1814 Part III
Jane Austen: "Mansfield Park"
Byron: "The Corsair"
Edmund Kean's Shylock
Lermontov Mikhail
Mikhail Lermontov
"Death of the Poet"
"The Demon
Walter Scott: "Waverley"
Williav Wordsworth: "The Excursion"
Adelbert von Chamisso: "Peter Schlemihl"
Goya: "The Second of May 1808"
Goya: "The Third of May 1808"
Ingres: "Grande Odalisque"
Millet Jean Francois
Jean Francois Millet
Orfila Mathieu Joseph Bonaventure
Industrial printing presses
Lord's Cricket Ground
1815 Part I
Battle of New Orleans
Hundred Days
Neapolitan War
Battle of Waterloo
Napoleon's surrender
Second Peace of Paris
Ney Michel
1815 Part II
Corn Law
Bismarck Otto
Spanish Invasion of New Granada in 1815–1816
Basel Mission
Beranger Pierre
Byron: "Hebrew Melodies"
Geibel Emanuel
Hoffmann: "Die Elixiere des Teufels"
Scott: "Guy Mannering"
Trollope Anthony
Anthony Trollope 
"Barchester Towers"
Wordsworth: "White Doe of Rylstone"
1815 Part III
Goya: "La Tauromaquia"
Menzel Adolf
Adolf Menzel
Turner: "Crossing the Brook"
Franz Robert
Robert Franz - Oh Wert thou in the Cauld Blast
Robert Franz
Kjerulf Halfdan
Halfdan Kjerulf - Spring Song
Halfdan Kjerulf
Robert Volkmann - Cello Concerto in A minor
Robert Volkmann
Davy lamp
Fresnel Augustin-Jean
Prout William
Prout's hypothesis
Steam battery "Demologos", or "Fulton"
Nations in Arms
Nations in Arms
Apothecaries Act
McAdam John Loudon
Robertson Allan
Eruption of Sumbawa Volcano
1816 Part I
Maria I, Queen of Portugal
John VI of Portugal
Argentine War of Independence
Argentine Declaration of Independence
Federal Convention
American Bible Society
Gobineau Joseph Arthur
Karamzin Nikolai
1816 Part II
Jane Austen: "Emma"
Bronte Charlotte
Charlotte Bronte
"Jane Eyre"
Byron: "The Siege of Corinth"
Freytag Gustav
Derzhavin Gavrila
Leigh Hunt: "The Story of Rimini"
Shelley: "Alastor"
Goya: "The Duke of Osuna"
Rossini: "Barbiere di Siviglia"
Spohr: "Faust"
Brewster David
Laennec Rene-Theophile-Hyacinthe
Siemens Werner
Cobbett William
Froebel Friedrich
1817 Part I
Habeas Corpus Suspension Act
Wartburg Festival
Second Serbian Uprising (1815-1817)
Third Anglo-Maratha War 1817-1818
Bockh August
Hegel: "Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences"
Llorente Juan Antonio
Mommsen Theodor
David Ricardo: "Principles of Political Economy and Taxation"
Byron: "Manfred"
Thomas Moore: "Lalla Rookh"
Storm Theodor
Thoreau Henry David
1817 Part II
Constable: "Flatford Mill"
Daubigny Charles
Charles Daubigny
Thorvaldsen: Ganymede Waters Zeus as an Eagle
Leech John
John Leech
Watts George Frederic
George Frederic Watts
Rossini: "La Gazza ladra"
Rossini: "Cenerentola"
Ritter Carl
Long Stephen Harriman
"Blackwood's Magazine"
"The Scotsman"
Waterloo Bridge
1818 Part I
Chilean Declaration of Independence
Bavarian constitution proclaimed
Treaty of 1818
Dobrovsky Josef
Froude James Anthony
Marx Karl
Karl Marx
"Manifesto of the Communist Party"
- Marxism
Friedrich Engels
First International
1818 Part II
Byron: "Don Juan"
Keats: "Endymion"
Peacock: "Nightmare Abbey"
Walter Scott: "Heart of Midlothian"
Shelley Mary
Mary Shelley "Frankenstein"
Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley 
"Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus"
Turgenev Ivan
1818 Part III
Burckhardt Jakob
Fohr Carl Philipp
Karl Philipp Fohr
Donizetti: "Enrico, Conte di Borgogna"
Gounod Charles
Gounod - Ave Maria
Charles Gounod
"Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht"
Rossini: "Mose in Egitto"
Bessel Friedrich Wilhelm
Encke Johann Franz
Oxley John
British Admiralty Expeditions
Scoresby William
Phipps Constantine Henry
Buchan David
Parry William Edward
Ross James Clark
Order of Saint Michael and Saint George
Raiffeisen Friedrich Wilhelm
1819 Part I
Founding of modern Singapore
Queen Victoria
Victorian Era
Peterloo Massacre
Albert, Prince Consort
Jakob Grimm: "German Grammar"
Hermes Georg
Schopenhauer: "Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung"
Sismondi Jean
Wilson Horace Hayman
1819 Part II
Byron: "Mazeppa"
Eliot George
George Eliot 
"Silas Marner"
Fontane Theodor
Howe Julia Ward
Keats: "Hyperion"
Keller Gottfried
Kotzebue August
Lowell James Russell
Shelley: "The Cenci"
Whitman Walt
Walt Whitman
"Leaves of Grass"
Washington Irving: "Rip van Winkle"
1819 Part III
Courbet Gustave
Gustave Courbet
Theodore Gericault: "The Raft of the Medusa"
Ruskin John
Thorvaldsen: "Lion of Lucerne"
Turner: "Childe Harold's Pilgrimage"
Museo del Prado
Chasseriau Theodore
Theodore Chasseriau
Offenbach Jacques
Offenbach - Barcarole
Jacques Offenbach
Schumann Clara
Mitscherlich Eilhard
Oersted Hans Christian
Central Asia Exploration
Moorcroft William
First Sightings of the Antarctic Continent
Bransfield Edward
Weddell James
Bellingshausen Thaddeus
Burlington Arcade, Piccadilly, London

Georges Rouget, Marriage of Napoleon and Marie-Louise
YEAR BY YEAR:  1800 - 1899
1810 Part I
The year of Napoleon's zenith:
he marries Archduchess Marie Louise of Austria;
by Decree of Rambouillet orders sale of seized U.S. ships;
annexes Holland;
issues Decree of Fontainebleau (confiscation of Brit. goods);
and annexes Hannover, Bremen, Hamburg, Lauenburg, and Lubeck
Marie Louise, Duchess of Parma

Marie-Louise, in full Marie-louise-léopoldine-françoise-thérèse-joséphine-lucie, German Maria-luise-leopoldina-franziska-theresia-josepha-luzia Von Habsburg-lothringen, also called (1817–47) Maria Luigia D’asburgo-lorena, Duchessa Di Parma, Piacenza, E Guastalla (born Dec. 12, 1791, Vienna—died Dec. 17, 1847, Parma, Italy), Austrian archduchess who became empress of the French (impératrice des Français), as the second wife of the emperor Napoleon I; she was later duchess of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla.


Empress Marie Louise in 1810
  Marie-Louise, a member of the House of Habsburg, was the eldest daughter of the Holy Roman emperor Francis II (Francis I of Austria) and Maria Theresa of Naples-Sicily and niece of Marie-Antoinette, queen of France. Klemens von Metternich, the Austrian statesman, seems to have suggested her to Napoleon, who was looking for a wife with royal blood and had already decided to dissolve his childless marriage with the empress Joséphine. The match was arranged in February 1810.

Marie-Louise was married to Napoleon at Paris on April 1–2. On March 20, 1811, she bore him the long-desired heir, the king of Rome and the future Duke von Reichstadt (see Reichstadt, Napoléon-François-Charles-Joseph Bonaparte, Herzog von).

While Napoleon was campaigning in Russia, Marie-Louise served as regent for him in Paris. After his first abdication (signed at Fontainebleau, April 11, 1814), however, she returned to Vienna with her son. The Treaty of Fontainebleau awarded her the duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla with full sovereignty. She ignored Napoleon’s entreaties to join him in his exile in Elba and became completely estranged from him when he threatened to abduct her forcibly.
During the Hundred Days (1815) she remained in Austria, showing no interest in the success of Napoleon in France. The Congress of Vienna ratified her accession to Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, despite Bourbon opposition; but her son’s right of succession was overruled (1817), the duchies being secured to her for her lifetime only.

In September 1821, following Napoleon’s death that May, Marie-Louise married Adam Adalbert, Count von Neipperg, having already borne him two children.

Together they governed the duchies more liberally than did most other princes in Italy, though some authorities suggest that this resulted more from weakness of character than from policy. Josef von Werklein, however, who became secretary of state in Parma after Neipperg’s death (1829), pursued a more reactionary policy, and in 1831 a rebellion in Parma forced the duchess to take refuge with the Austrian garrison in Piacenza. Restored to power by the Austrians, she ruled thenceforward in accordance with their prescriptions.

In 1832 Marie-Louise visited the dying Duke von Reichstadt in Vienna. In February 1834 she contracted a second morganatic marriage, with Charles René, Count de Bombelles (1784–1856). She died in Parma and was buried in the Capuchin church in Vienna.

Encyclopædia Britannica

Georges Rouget, Marriage of Napoleon and Marie-Louise (1811)
Edict of Fontainebleau

The Edict of Fontainebleau (22 October 1685) was an edict issued by Louis XIV of France, also known as the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Edict of Nantes of 1598, had granted the Huguenots the right to practice their religion without persecution from the state. Though Protestants had lost their independence in places of refuge under Richelieu, they continued to live in comparative security and political contentment. From the outset, religious toleration in France had been a royal, rather than a popular policy. The lack of universal adherence to his religion did not sit well with Louis XIV's vision of perfected autocracy: "Bending all else to his will, Louis XIV resented the presence of heretics among his subjects."

Edict of Nantes
The Edict of Nantes, had been issued on 13 April 1598, by Henry IV of France. It had granted the Calvinist Protestants of France (also known as Huguenots) substantial rights in a predominately Catholic nation. Through the Edict, Henry had aimed to promote civil unity. The Edict treated some Protestants with tolerance and opened a path for secularism. It offered general freedom of conscience to individuals and many specific concessions to the Protestants, such as amnesty and the reinstatement of their civil rights, including the right to work in any field or for the State and to bring grievances directly to the king. It marked the end of the religious wars that had afflicted France during the second half of the 16th century.

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
By the Edict of Fontainebleau, Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes and ordered the destruction of Huguenot churches, as well as the closing of Protestant schools. This policy made official the persecution already enforced since the dragonnades created in 1681 by the king in order to intimidate Huguenots into converting to Catholicism. As a result of the officially sanctioned persecution by the dragoons who were billeted upon prominent Huguenots, a large number of Protestants — estimates range from 210,000 to 900,000 — left France over the next two decades. They sought asylum in England, the United Provinces, Sweden, Switzerland, Brandenburg-Prussia, Denmark, Protestant states of the Holy Roman Empire, the Cape Colony in Africa, and North America. They left without money, but took with them many skills. In the host nations they established small businesses and their new ideas revitalised indigenous industries. On 17 January 1686, Louis XIV himself claimed that out of a Huguenot population of 800,000 to 900,000, only 1,000 to 1,500 had remained in France.

Louis XIV's pious second wife Madame de Maintenon was a strong advocate of Protestant persecution and urged Louis to revoke Henry IV's edict; her confessor and spiritual adviser, François de la Chaise, must be held largely responsible.

The revocation of the Edict of Nantes created a state of affairs in France similar to that of virtually every other European country of the period (with the brief exception of Great Britain and possibly the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth), where only the majority state religion was legally tolerated. The experiment of religious toleration in Europe was effectively ended for the time being.

  Effects of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
The Edict of Fontainebleau is compared by many historians with the 1492 Alhambra Decree, ordering the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain; and with Expulsion of the Moriscos during 1609-1614. The three are similar both as outbursts of religious intolerance ending periods of relative tolerance, and in their social and economic effects. In practice, the revocation caused France to suffer a kind of early brain drain, as it lost a large number of skilled craftsmen, including key designers such as Daniel Marot.

Upon leaving France, Huguenots took with them knowledge of important techniques and styles — which had a significant effect on the quality of the silk, plate glass, silversmithing, watchmaking, and cabinet making industries of those regions to which they relocated. Some rulers, such as Frederick Wilhelm, Duke of Prussia and Elector of Brandenburg, who issued the Edict of Potsdam in late October 1685, encouraged the Protestants to seek refuge in their nations.

End of the Edict of Fontainbleau
In practice, the stringency of policies outlawing Protestants, opposed by the Jansenists, were relaxed during the reign of Louis XV, especially among discreet members of the upper classes. "The fact that a hundred years later, when Protestants were again tolerated, many of them were found to be both commercially prosperous and politically loyal indicates that they fared far better than the Catholic Irish", R.R. Palmer concluded.

By the end of the 18th century, prominent French philosophers and literary personalities of the day, including Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot, were making persuasive arguments to promote religious tolerance. Efforts by Guillaume-Chrétien de Malesherbes, minister to Louis XVI, and Jean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Etienne, spokesman for the Protestant community in France, working with members of the parlement of the Ancien Régime, were particularly effective convincing the king to open French society over the concern expressed by some advisors. Thus, on 7 November 1787, Louis XVI signed the Edict of Versailles, known as the Edict of Tolerance, which was registered in parlement two-and-one-half months later, on 29 January 1788. This edict offered relief to all faiths – Calvinist Huguenots, Lutherans, as well as Jews – giving followers the civil and legal recognition, as well as the right to openly form congregations after 102 years of prohibition. Full religious freedom had to wait two more years, with enactment of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1789.

However, the 1787 Edit of Tolerance was a pivotal step in eliminating religious strife and it officially ended religious persecution in France. Moreover, once French Revolutionary armies got to other European countries, they followed a consistent policy of emancipating persecuted or discriminated religious communities (Catholic in some countries, Protestant in others, Jews in virtually all).

In October 1985, French President Francois Mitterrand issued a public apology to the descendants of Huguenots around the world.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Napoleon I

Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815)
First Republic of Venezuela

The First Republic of Venezuela (Primera República de Venezuela in Spanish) was the first independent government of Venezuela, lasting from 19 April 1810, to 25 July 1812. The period of the First Republic began with the overthrow of the Spanish colonial authorities and the establishment of a junta in Caracas, initiating the Venezuelan War of Independence, and ended with the surrender of the republican forces to the Spanish Captain Domingo de Monteverde. The congress of Venezuela declared the nation's independence on 5 July 1811, and later wrote a constitution for it. In doing so, Venezuela is notable for being the first Spanish American colony to declare its independence.


Several European events set the stage for Venezuela's declaration of independence. The Napoleonic Wars in Europe not only weakened Spain's imperial power, but also put Britain unofficially on the side of the independence movement. In May 1808, Napoleon asked for and received the abdication of Ferdinand VII and the confirmation of his father Charles IV's abdication a few months earlier. Napoleon then made his brother Joseph Bonaparte, King of Spain. That marked the beginning of Spain's own War of Independence from French hegemony and partial occupation, before the Spanish American wars of independence even began. The focal point of the Spanish political resistance was the Supreme Central Junta, which formed itself to govern in the name of Ferdinand, and which managed to get the loyalty of the many provincial and municipal juntas that had formed throughout Spain in the wake of the French invasion. Likewise, in Venezuela during 1809 and 1810 there were various attempts at establishing a junta, which took the form of both legal, public requests to the Captain General and secret plots to depose the authorities. The first major defeat that Napoleonic France suffered was at the Battle of Bailén, in Andalusia. (At this battle Pablo Morillo, future commander of the army that invaded New Granada and Venezuela; Emeterio Ureña, an anti-independence officer in Venezuela; and José de San Martín, the future Liberator of Argentina and Chile, fought side-by-side against the French General Pierre Dupont.) Despite this victory, the situation soon reversed itself and the French advanced into southern Spain and the Spanish government had to retreat to the island redout of Cádiz. In Cádiz, the Supreme Central Junta dissolved itself and set up a five-person Regency to handle the affairs of state until the Cortes Generales could be convened.
On 18 April 1810, agents of the Spanish Regency arrived in the city of Caracas. After considerable political tumult, the local nobility announced an extraordinary open hearing of the cabildo (the municipal council), set for the morning of 19 April, Maundy Thursday. On that day, an expanded municipal government of Caracas took power in the name of Ferdinand VII, calling itself The Supreme Junta to Preserve the Rights of Ferdinand VII (La Suprema Junta Conservadora de los Derechos de Fernando VII) and consequently deposed Captain General Vicente Emparán and other colonial officials.

This initiated a process that would lead to a declaration of independence from Spain. Soon after 19 April, many other Venezuelan provinces also established juntas, most of which recognized the Caracas one (though a few recognized both the Regency in Spain and the Junta in Caracas). Still other regions never established juntas, but rather kept their established authorities and continued to recognize the government in Spain. This situation consequently led to a civil war between Venezuelans who were in favor of the new autonomous juntas and those still loyal to the Spanish Crown. The Caracas Junta called for the convention of a congress of the Venezuelan provinces which began meeting the following March, at which time the Junta dissolved itself. The Congress set up a triumvirate to handle the executive functions of the union .

Shortly after the juntas were set up, Venezuelan émigré Francisco de Miranda had returned to his homeland taking advantage of the rapidly changing political climate. He had been a persona non grata since his failed attempt at liberating Venezuela in 1806. Miranda was elected to the Congress and began agitating for independence, gathered around him a group of similarly-minded individuals, who formed an association, modeled on the Jacobin Club, to pressure the Congress.

Independence was formally declared on 5 July 1811. The Congress established a Confederation called the United States of Venezuela in the Constitution, crafted mostly by lawyer Juan Germán Roscio, that it ratified on 21 December 1811. The Constitution created a strong bicameral legislature and, as also happened in neighboring New Granada, the Congress kept the weak executive consisting of a triumvirate. This government was not in force for long, since the provinces (referred to as states in the Constitution) did not fully implement it. The provinces also wrote their own constitutions, a right which the Congress recognized.

19 de Abril. Juan Lovera (1835).
Lovera painted this scene from memory. Emparán (black uniform with red lapels) on the steps of the Cathedral surrounded by prominent members of the crowd which led him to the Cabildo. (Palacio Federal Legislativo, Caracas).
Civil War
Though the Congress declared independence, the provinces of Maracaibo and Guayana and the district of Coro remained loyal to the Supreme Central Junta of Spain and the Cádiz Cortes that followed it. The new Confederation claimed the right to govern the territory of the former Captaincy General, and the region plunged into full civil war by 1810 with fighting breaking out between royalist and republican areas. A military expedition from Caracas to bring Coro back under its control, was defeated in November. The Caracas Junta, which continued to govern Caracas Province, did not have much power in the newly declared Confederation, and had a hard time getting supplies and reinforcements from the other confederated provinces. The Confederation was led by criollos, but was not able to appeal to the lower classes, despite attempts to do so, because of a declining economic situation. Cut off from Spain, Venezuela lost the market for its main export, cocoa. As a result Venezuela experienced severe losses of specie, using it to purchase much needed supplies from its new trading partners, such as the British and the Americans, which could not take the full output of agricultural products as payment. The federal government resorted to printing paper money to pay its debts with Venezuelans, but the paper money rapidly lost value, turning many against the government.

In 1812 the Confederation began suffering serious military reverses, and the government granted Miranda command of the army and leadership of the Confederation. A powerful earthquake, which hit Venezuela on 26 March 1812, also a Maundy Thursday, and caused damage mostly in republican areas, also helped turn the population against the Republic.

  Since, the Caracas Junta had been established on a Maundy Thursday, the earthquake fell on its second anniversary in the liturgical calendar. This was interpreted by many as a sign from Providence, and many, including those in the Republican army, began to secretly plot against the Republic or outright defect.

Other provinces refused to send reinforcements to Caracas Province. Worse still, whole provinces began to switch sides. On 4 July an uprising brought Barcelona over to the royalist side. Neighboring Cumaná, now cut off from the Republican center, refused to recognize Miranda's dictatorial powers and his appointment of a commandant general. By the middle of the month many of the outlying areas of Cumaná Province had also defected to the royalists.

Taking advantage of these circumstances a Spanish marine frigate captain, Domingo Monteverde, based in Coro, was able to turn a small force under his command into a large army, as people joined him on his advance towards Valencia. Miranda was left in charge of only a small area of central Venezuela.

In these dire circumstances the republican government had appointed Miranda generalissimo, with broad political powers. By mid-July Monteverde had taken Valencia, and Miranda thought the situation was hopeless and started negotiations with Monteverde.

On 25 July 1812 Miranda and Monteverde finalized a capitulation in which the former republican areas would recognize the Spanish Cortes. The First Republic had come to an end. Monteverde's forces entered Caracas on 1 August.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


World Countries

Mexican War of Independence

The Mexican War of Independence (Spanish: Guerra de Independencia de México) was an armed conflict, and the culmination of a political and social process which ended the rule of Spain in the territory of New Spain. The war had its antecedent in the French invasion of Spain in 1808 and extended from the Grito de Dolores on September 16 of 1810, to the entrance of the Army of the Three Guarantees to Mexico City on September 27 of 1821.


Miguel Hidalgo, José María Morelos
The movement for independence was partly created by the Age of Enlightenment and the liberal revolutions of the last part of the 18th century. By that time the educated elite of the current Mexico had begun to reflect on the relations between Spain and its colonial kingdoms.

Changes in the social and political structure occasioned by Bourbon reforms and a deep economic crisis in New Spain caused discomfort mainly in the Creole population.

In 1808 the king Charles IV and Ferdinand VII abdicated in favour of Napoleon Bonaparte, who left the crown of Spain to his brother Joseph Bonaparte. The same year, the ayuntamiento of Mexico City, supported by viceroy José de Iturrigaray, claimed sovereignty in the absence of the legitimate king, the reaction led to a coup against the viceroy and led the leaders of the movement to jail.

Despite the defeat in Mexico City, small groups of conspirators met in other cities of New Spain in order to follow in the steps of Mexico City. In 1810, after being discovered, Querétaro conspirators chose to take up arms on September 16 in the company of peasants and indigenous inhabitants of the town of Dolores (Guanajuato), called by the priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla.

From 1810 the independence movement went through several stages, as its leaders were imprisoned or executed by forces loyal to Spain.

  At first they recognised the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII over Spain and its colonies, but later the leaders took more radical positions, including issues of social order as the abolition of slavery. José María Morelos called the separatist provinces to form the Congress of Chilpancingo, which gave the insurgency its own legal framework. After the defeat of Morelos, the movement was reduced to a guerrilla war. By 1820, there were few rebel groups, notably in the Sierra Madre del Sur and Veracruz.

The reinstatement of the Constitution of Cadiz in 1820 caused a change of mind among elite groups who supported Spanish rule. The monarchist Creoles whom the Constitution affected decided to support the independence of New Spain and sought to ally with the former insurgent resistance. Agustín de Iturbide led the military arm of the conspirators and early 1821 he met Vicente Guerrero. Both proclaimed the Plan of Iguala, which called for the union of all insurgent factions and had the support of the aristocracy and the clergy of New Spain. Finally, the independence of Mexico was consummated on September 27, 1821.

After that, the mainland of New Spain became the Mexican Empire, an ephemeral catholic monarchy which became a federal republic in 1823, between internal conflicts and the separation of Central America.

After some Spanish reconquest attempts, including the expedition of Isidro Barradas in 1829, Spain under the rule of Isabella II recognized the independence of Mexico in 1836.


Hug of Acatempan between Iturbide and Guerrero
The struggle for Mexican independence dates back to the decades after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, when Martín Cortés (son of Hernán Cortés and La Malinche) led a revolt against the Spanish colonial government in order to eliminate privileges for the conquistadors.

In the early 19th century, Napoleon's occupation of Spain led to the outbreak of revolts all across Spanish America. After the abortive Conspiracy of the Machetes in 1799, the War of independence led by the Mexican-born Spaniards became a reality with the Grito de Dolores coming 11 years after the conspiracy, which is considered in modern Mexico to be a precursor of the War of Independence. As indicated perhaps by the failed conspiracy, before 1810 the movement for independence was far from gaining unanimous support among Mexicans, who became divided between non-independent persons, autonomists and royalists.


Trigarante Army in Mexico City
Beginning of the War
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a local priest and member of a group of educated Criollos in Querétaro, hosted secret gatherings in his home to discuss whether it was better to obey or to revolt against a tyrannical government, which is what he considered the Spanish government in Mexico to be. These meetings came to include famed military leader Ignacio Allende. In 1810 Hidalgo arrived at the conclusion that a revolt against the colonial government was needed because of the events and injustice being perpetrated upon the poor of Mexico, which had gotten out of hand. By this time Hidalgo had achieved some fame. He had distinguished himself as a student at the prestigious San Nicolás Obispo school in Valladolid (now Morelia), where he received top marks in class and later went on to become Rector of his old school. Later he also became known as a top theologian. When his older brother died in 1803, Hidalgo took over as Priest for the town of Dolores.

Hidalgo was in Dolores on 15 September 1810, with other leaders of the rebel "conspiracy" including military commander Allende, when word came to them that the conspiracy had been discovered. Needing to move immediately, Hidalgo ran to the church, calling for all the people to gather, where from the pulpit he called upon them to revolt. Inspired by his words, and tired of their ill-treatment by the wealthy (who had befriended the Spaniards) and the Spanish, they all shouted in agreement for such a revolt.

They were a comparatively small group, and poorly armed with whatever was at hand. Some only had sticks and rocks as weapons. On the morning of 16 September 1810, Hidalgo called upon the remaining locals who happened to be in the market on that day, and again, from the pulpit, he announced his intention to strike for independence and exhorted the people of Dolores to join him. Most did: Hidalgo had a mob of some 600 men within minutes. This became known as the “Cry of Dolores” as the people shouted, or "cried", from the church "Independencia!"

Hidalgo and Allende marched their little army through towns including San Miguel and Celaya where the angry rebels killed all the Spaniards they found. Along the way they adopted the standard of the Virgin of Guadalupe as their symbol and protector. They soon reached the town of Guanajuato on September 28, where the Spanish had barricaded themselves inside the public granary. Included in that barricade were some forced royalists, creoles that served and sided with the Spanish. The small rebel army had reached about 30,000 by this time and the battle was horrific. Over 500 Spanish and creoles were killed. The rebels now marched on toward Mexico City.

The Viceroy caught word they were coming, and quickly organized a defense, sending out the Spanish general Torcuato Trujillo with 1,000 men, 400 horsemen, and 2 cannons - all that could be found on such short notice. On October 30, Miguel Hidalgo's army encountered Spanish resistance at the Battle of Monte de las Cruces, fought them and achieved victory. When the cannons were captured in combat, the surviving Royalists retreated to the City.

  Although they had the advantage and could have easily taken Mexico City, Hidalgo retreated, against the counsel of Allende. This retreat, when victory was so close, has puzzled historians and biographers ever since. It is believed he wanted to spare the great number of Mexican citizens in Mexico City the inevitable sacking and plunder that would ensue. This has been considered Hidalgo's greatest tactical error.

Rebel survivors of the battle sought refuge in nearby provinces and villages. The insurgent forces planned a defensive strategy at a bridge on the Calderón River, pursued by the Spanish army. In January 1811, Spanish forces fought the Battle of the Bridge of Calderón and defeated the insurgent army, forcing the rebels to flee towards the United States-Mexican border, where they hoped to escape. However they were intercepted by the Spanish army. Hidalgo and his remaining soldiers were captured in the state of Coahuila at the Wells of Baján (Norias de Baján). All of the rebel leaders were found guilty and sentenced to death, except for Mariano Abasolo, who was sent to Spain to serve a life sentence. Allende, Jiménez and Aldama were executed on 26 June 1811, shot in the back as a sign of dishonor. Hidalgo, as a priest, had to undergo a civil trial as well as a visit from the Inquisition. He was eventually stripped of his priesthood, found guilty, and executed on 30 July. The heads of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama and Jiménez were preserved and hung from the four corners of the granary of Guanajuato as a warning to those who would follow in their footsteps.

Following the death of Father Hidalgo, the leadership of the revolutionary army was assumed by José María Morelos. Under his leadership the cities of Oaxaca and Acapulco were occupied. In 1813, the Congress of Chilpancingo was convened and on 6 November of that year, the Congress signed the first official document of independence, known as the "Solemn Act of the Declaration of Independence of Northern America". It was followed by a long period of war at the Siege of Cuautla. In 1815, Morelos was captured by Spanish colonial authorities, tried and executed for treason.

Father Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla is today remembered as the Father of his Country, the great hero of Mexico's War for Independence. His position has become cemented in lore, and there are any number of hagiographic biographies out there with him as their subject.

The truth about Hidalgo is a little more complex. The facts and dates leave no doubt: his was the first serious insurrection on Mexican soil against Spanish authority, and his achievements with his poorly armed mob were significant. He was a charismatic leader and worked well with Allende despite their mutual hatred.

But Hidalgo's shortcomings make one ask "What if?" After decades of abuse of Creoles and poor Mexicans, there was a vast well of resentment and hatred that Hidalgo was able to tap into: even he seemed surprised by the level of anger released on the Spaniards by his mob. He provided the catalyst for Mexico's poor to vent their anger on the hated "gachipines" or Spaniards, but his "army" was more like a swarm of locusts, and about as impossible to control.

His questionable leadership also contributed to his downfall. Historians can only wonder what might have happened had Hidalgo pushed into Mexico City in November 1810: history certainly would be different. In this, Hidalgo was too proud or stubborn to listen to the sound military advice offered by Allende and others and press his advantage.

Finally, Hidalgo's approval of the violent sacking and looting by his forces alienated the group most vital to any independence movement: middle-class and wealthy creoles like himself. Poor peasants and Indians only had the power to burn, pillage and destroy: they could not create a new identity for Mexico, one that would allow Mexicans to psychologically break from Spain and craft a national conscience for themselves.

Still, Hidalgo became a great leader...after his death. His timely martyrdom allowed others to pick up the fallen banner of freedom and independence. His influence on later fighters such as José María Morelos, Guadalupe Victoria and others is considerable. Today, Hidalgo's remains lie in a Mexico City monument known as "the Angel of Independence" along with other Revolutionary heroes.


Mural of independence by O'Gorman
From 1815 to 1821 most of the fighting by those seeking independence from Spain was done by isolated guerrilla bands. Out of these bands rose two men, Guadalupe Victoria (born José Miguel Fernández y Félix) in Puebla and Vicente Guerrero in Oaxaca, both of whom were able to command allegiance and respect from their followers. The Spanish viceroy, however, felt the situation was under control and issued a general pardon to every rebel who would lay down his arms.

After ten years of civil war and the death of two of its founders, by early 1820 the independence movement was stalemated and close to collapse. The rebels faced stiff Spanish military resistance and the apathy of many of the most influential criollos.

In what was supposed to be the final government campaign against the insurgents, in December 1820, Viceroy Juan Ruiz de Apodaca sent a force led by a royalist criollo officer, Colonel Agustín de Iturbide, to defeat Guerrero's army in Oaxaca. Iturbide, a native of Valladolid (now Morelia), had gained renown for the zeal with which he persecuted Hidalgo's and Morelos's rebels during the early independence struggle. A favorite of the Mexican church hierarchy, Iturbide was thought of as the personification of conservative criollo values, devoutly religious, and committed to the defense of property rights and social privileges; he was also disgruntled at his lack of promotion and wealth.

Iturbide's assignment to the Oaxaca expedition coincided with a successful military coup in Spain against the monarchy of Ferdinand VII. The coup leaders, who had been assembled as an expeditionary force to suppress the American independence movements, compelled a reluctant Ferdinand to reinstate the liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812. When news of the liberal charter reached Mexico, Iturbide saw in it both a threat to the status quo and an opportunity for the criollos to gain control of Mexico. Ironically, independence was finally achieved when conservative Royalist forces in the colonies chose to rise up against a temporarily liberal regime in the mother country in an about-face to their previous stance against Hidalgo and his revolutionary army. After an initial clash with Guerrero's forces, Iturbide assumed command of the army and, at Iguala, allied his reactionary force with Guerrero’s radical insurgents to discuss the renewed struggle for independence.

  While stationed in the town of Iguala, Iturbide proclaimed three principles, or "guarantees," for Mexican independence from Spain; Mexico would be an independent monarchy governed by a transplanted King Ferdinand, another Bourbon prince, or some other conservative European prince, criollos and peninsulares would henceforth enjoy equal rights and privileges, and the Roman Catholic Church would retain its privileges and position as the official religion of the land. After convincing his troops to accept the principles, which were promulgated on 24 February 1821, as the Plan of Iguala, Iturbide persuaded Guerrero to join his forces in support of the new conservative manifestation of the independence movement. A new army, the Army of the Three Guarantees, was then placed under Iturbide's command to enforce the Plan of Iguala. The plan was so broadly based that it pleased both patriots and loyalists. The goal of independence and the protection of Roman Catholicism brought together all factions.

Iturbide's army was joined by rebel forces from all over Mexico. When the rebels' victory became certain, the viceroy resigned. On 24 August 1821, representatives of the Spanish crown and Iturbide signed the Treaty of Córdoba, which recognized Mexican independence under the terms of the Plan of Iguala. On September 27 the Army of the Three Guarantees entered Mexico City and the following day Iturbide proclaimed the independence of the Mexican Empire, as New Spain was to be henceforth called.
The Treaty of Córdoba was not ratified by the Spanish Cortes. Iturbide, a former royalist who had become the paladin for Mexican independence, included a special clause in the treaty that left open the possibility for a criollo monarch to be appointed by a Mexican congress if no suitable member of the European royalty would accept the Mexican crown. Half of all the government employees were Iturbide's courtiers.

On the night of the 18 May 1822, a mass demonstration led by the Regiment of Celaya, which Iturbide had commanded during the war, marched through the streets and demanded that their commander-in-chief accept the throne. The following day, the congress declared Iturbide emperor of Mexico. On 31 October Iturbide dissolved Congress and replaced it with a sympathetic junta.

Ironically, back in 1810 Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla had offered Iturbide a post with his revolutionary army, but Iturbide refused and pledged himself to the Spanish cause instead.

His defense of Valladolid against the revolutionary forces of José María Morelos dealt a crushing blow to the insurgents, and for this victory Iturbide was given command of the military district of Guanajuato and Michoacán. In 1816, however, grave charges of using his command to create trade monopolies and plundering private property caused his removal.

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World Countries

Argentine War of Independence

The  was fought from 1810 to 1818 by Argentine patriotic forces under Manuel Belgrano, Juan José Castelli and José de San Martín against royalist forces loyal to the Spanish crown. On July 9, 1816, an assembly met in San Miguel de Tucumán, declared full independence with provisions for a national constitution.

The territory of modern Argentina was part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, with the same capital city in Buenos Aires, seat of government of the Spanish viceroy. Modern Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia were part of it as well, and began their push for autonomy during the conflict, becoming independent countries afterwards. The vast area of the territory and slow communications led most populated areas to become isolated from each other. The wealthiest regions of the viceroyalty were in Upper Peru, (modern-day Bolivia). Salta and Córdoba had closer ties with Upper Peru than with Buenos Aires. Similarly, Mendoza in the west had closer ties with the Captaincy General of Chile, although the Andes mountain range was a natural barrier.

Buenos Aires and Montevideo, who had a local rivalry, located in the La Plata Basin, had naval communications allowing them to be more in contact with European ideas and economic advances than the inland populations. Also, Paraguay was isolated from all other regions.

In the political structure most authoritative positions were filled by people designated by the Spanish monarchy, most of them Spanish people from Europe, without strong compromises for American problems or interests. This created a growing rivalry between the Criollos, people born in America, and the peninsulares, people arrived from Europe (the term "Criollo" is usually translated to English as "Creole", despite being unrelated to most other Creole peoples). Despite the fact that all of them were considered Spanish, and that there was no legal distinction between Criollos and Peninsulares, most Criollos thought that Peninsulares had undue weight in political conflicts and expected a higher intervention in them.

  The ideas of the American and French Revolutions, and the Age of Enlightenment, promoted desires of social change within the criollos. The full prohibition imposed by Spain to trade with other nations was seen, as well as a cause of damage to the viceroyalty's economy.
The population of Buenos Aires was highly militarized during the British invasions of the Río de la Plata, part of the Anglo-Spanish War. Buenos Aires was captured in 1806, and then liberated by Santiago de Liniers with forces from Montevideo. Fearing a counter-attack, all the population of Buenos Aires capable to bear arms was arranged in military bodies, including slaves. A new British attack in 1807 captured Montevideo, but was defeated in Buenos Aires, and forced to leave the viceroyalty. The viceroy Rafael de Sobremonte was successfully deposed by the criollos during the conflict, and the Regiment of Patricians became a highly influential force in local politics, even after the end of the British threat.

The transfer of the Portuguese Court to Brazil generated military concern. It was feared that the British would launch a third attack, this time allied with Portugal. However, no military conflict took place, as when the Peninsular War started Britain and Portugal became allies of Spain against France. When the Spanish king Ferdinand VII was captured, his sister Carlota Joaquina sought to rule in the Americas as regent, but nothing came out of it because of the lack of support from both the Spanish Americans and the British.

Javier de Elío created a Junta in Montevideo and Martín de Álzaga sought to make a similar move organizing a mutiny in Buenos Aires, but the local military forces intervened and thwarted it. Spain appointed a new viceroy, Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, and Liniers handed the government to him without resistance, despite the proposals of the military to reject him.


Crossing of the Andes, Battle of Salta
The Revolution
The May Revolution forced the viceroy to resign. He was replaced by a government Junta, the Primera Junta.

The military conflict in Spain worsened by 1810. The city of Seville had been invaded by French armies, which were already dominating most of the Iberian Peninsula. The Junta of Seville was disestablished, and several members fled to Cádiz, the last portion of Spain still resisting. They established a Council of Regency, with political tendencies closer to absolutism than the former Junta. This began the May Revolution in Buenos Aires, as soon as the news were known. Several citizens thought that Cisneros, appointed by the disestablished Junta, did not have the right to rule anymore, and requested the convening of an open cabildo to discuss the fate of the local government. The military gave their support to the request, forcing Cisneros to accept.
The discussion ruled the removal of viceroy Cisneros and his replacement with a government junta, but the cabildo attempted to keep Cisneros in power by appointing him president of such junta. Further demonstrations ensued, and the Junta was forced to resign immediately. It was replaced by a new one, the Primera Junta.

Buenos Aires requested the other cities in the viceroyalty to acknowledge the new Junta and send deputies. The precise purpose of these deputies, join the Junta or create a congress, was unclear at the time and generated political disputes later. The Junta was initially resisted by all the main locations around Buenos Aires: Córdoba, Montevideo, Paraguay and the Upper Peru.

  Santiago de Liniers came out of his retirement in Córdoba and organized an army to capture Buenos Aires, Montevideo had naval supremacy over the city, and Vicente Nieto organized the actions at the Upper Peru.

Nieto proposed to José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa, viceroy of the Viceroyalty of Peru at the North, to annex the Upper Peru to it. He thought that the revolution could be easily contained in Buenos Aires, before launching a definitive attack.

Buenos Aires was declared a rogue city by the Council of Regency, which appointed Montevideo as capital of the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, and Francisco Javier de Elío the new viceroy. However, the May Revolution was not initially separatist. Patriots supported the legitimacy of the Juntas in the Americas, whether royalists supported instead the Council of Regency; both ones acted on behalf of Ferdinand VII. All of them believed that, according to the retroversion of the sovereignty to the people, in the absence of the rightful king sovereignty returned to the people, which would be capable to appoint their own leaders. They did not agree on who was that people, and which territorial extension had the sovereignty. Royalists thought that it applied to the people on European Spain, who had the right to rule over all the Spanish empire. The leaders of the May Revolution thought that it applied to all the capitals of Spanish kingdoms. José Gervasio Artigas would lead later a third perspective: the retroversion applied to all regions, which should remain united under a confederative system. The three groups battled each others, but the disputes about the national organization of Argentina (either centralist or confederal) continued in Argentine Civil War, for many years after the end of the war of independence.


22 May 1810 Open Cabildo, Battle of San Lorenzo
Armed conflict
The Primera Junta sent military campaigns to the viceroyalty, in order to secure support to the new authorities and retain the authority held as the capital of the viceroyalty. The victories and defeats of the military conflict delimited the areas of influence of the new United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. With the non-aggression pact arranged with Paraguay early on, most of the initial conflict took place in the north, in Upper Peru, and in the east, in the Banda Oriental. In the second half of the decade, with the capture of Montevideo and the stalemate in Upper Peru, the conflict moved to the west, to Chile.
Initial campaigns
The first two military campaigns ordered by the revolutionary Junta in Buenos Aires were launched against Cordoba, where former Viceroy Santiago de Liniers organized a counter-revolution, and the Intendency of Paraguay, which did not recognize the outcome of events at the May Revolution.

However, the improvised army gathered by Liniers at Cordoba deserted him before battle, so the former Viceroy attemped to flee to the Upper Peru, expecting to join the royalist army sent from the Viceroyalty of Peru to suffocate the revolution at Buenos Aires. Colonel Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo, who led the patriot army, captured Liniers and the other leaders of the Cordoba counter-revolution on 6 August, 1810, but, instead of executing them as he was instructed, he sent them back to Buenos Aires as prisoners.
As a result, Ocampo was demoted and Juan José Castelli was appointed as the political head of the army. On 26 August, Castelli executed the Cordoba prisoners and led the Army of the North towards the Upper Peru.

First Upper Peru campaign (1810-1811)
After securing the loyalty of the northwestern Provinces to the May Revolution through elections of representatives to the Junta in Buenos Aires, Castelli sent General Antonio González Balcarce into the Upper Peru, but he was defeated at the battle of Cotagaita.

  Castelli then sent him reinforcements, leading to the first patriotic victory at the battle of Suipacha, which gave Buenos Aires control over the Upper Peru. The royalist generals Vicente Nieto, Francisco de Paula Sanz and José de Córdoba y Rojas were captured and executed.

Castelli then proposed to the Buenos Aires Junta to cross the Desaguadero River, taking the offensive into the Viceroyalty of Peru domains, but his proposal was rejected. His army and Goyeneche's stationed near the frontier, while negotiating. Goyeneche advanced and defeated Castelli at the Battle of Huaqui, whose forces dispersed and left the provinces. The resistance of patriot republiqueta guerrillas of Upper Peru, however, kept the royalists at bay, preventing them from advancing south.

Paraguay campaign (1810-1811)
The other militia sent by Buenos Aires was commanded by Manuel Belgrano and made its way up the Paraná River towards the Intendency of Paraguay. A first battle was fought at Campichuelo, where the Patriots claimed victory. However, they were completely overwhelmed at the subsequent battles of Paraguarí and Tacuarí. Thus, this campaign ended in failure as well from a military point of view; however, some months later, inspired on the Argentine example, Paraguay broke its links with the Spanish crown by declaring itself an independent nation.

First Banda Oriental campaign (1811)


Battle of Suipacha, 1813 Assembly
Renewed offensives
The undesired outcomes of the Paraguay and Upper Peru campaigns led the Junta to be replaced by an executive Triumvirate on September 1811.

This new government decided to promote a new campaign to the Upper Peru with a reorganized Army of the North and appointed José de San Martín, a veteran of the Napoleonic Wars who had recently arrived from Spain, as Lieutenant Colonel.

San Martín was ordered to create the professional and disciplined cavalry unit known as Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers (Spanish: Granaderos a caballo).

Second Upper Peru campaign (1812-1813)
General Manuel Belgrano was appointed as the new commander of the Army of the North. Facing the overwhelming invasion of a royalist army led by General Pío de Tristán, Belgrano turned to scorched-earth tactics and ordered the evacuation of the people of Jujuy and Salta, and the burning of anything else left behind to prevent enemy forces from getting supplies or taking prisoners from those cities. This action is known as the Jujuy Exodus.

Turning against the Triumvirate orders, however, Belgrano decided to fight the royalists at Tucumán, obtaining a great victory and then decisively defeating the royalist army at the Battle of Salta, in northwestern Argentina, forcing the bulk of the royalist army to surrender their weapons.

Tristán (a former fellow student with Belgrano at Salamanca University) and his men were granted amnesty and released. Then again, the patriot army was defeated into the Upper Peru at the battles of Vilcapugio and Ayohuma and retrated to Jujuy.

  Second Banda Oriental campaign (1812-1814)
In early 1812, the truce between Buenos Aires and Montevideo was over, and Manuel de Sarratea led an army to the Banda Oriental, but he was soon replaced by José Rondeau, who initiated a second siege of Montevideo. Although royalist Gaspar de Vigodet sought to break the siege, he was defeated at the Battle of Cerrito.

The Spanish navy then sought to evade the land blockade by raiding nearby populations on the west bank of the Uruguay river. On 31 January, 1813, Spanish troops from Montevideo landed near the town of San Lorenzo, Santa Fe Province, but it was absolutely defeated by the Granaderos unit led by San Martín on February 3. The Battle of San Lorenzo ended further Spanish raids on the west bank of the Paraná river and the Triumvirate awarded San Martín the rank of General. The Granaderos unit was instrumental in the Revolution of October 8, 1812 which deposed the government and installed a new Triumvirate, considered to be more commited to the cause of Independence. In fact, this second Triumvirate convened a national assembly which was meant to declare Independence. The Assembly, however, first decided replace the Triumvirate with a new unipersonal Executive office, the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, and elected Gervasio Antonio de Posadas for that role.

One of the first actions of Posadas was to create a naval fleet from scratch, which was to be financed by Juan Larrea, and appointed William Brown as Lieutenant Colonel and Chief Commander of it, on March 1, 1814. Against all the odds, on 14 may 1814 the improvised patriot navy engaged the Spanish fleet and defeated it three days later. This action secured the port of Buenos Aires and allowed the fall of Montevideo, which could not stand the siege any more, on 20 June, 1814.


Shooting of Liniers, Jujuy Exodus
The march towards Independence
The fall of Montevideo eliminated the royalist menace from the Banda Oriental and meant the actual end of the Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. Soon afterwards, William Brown was awarded the rank of Admiral and Carlos María de Alvear, who was put in charge of the siege of Montevideo just a few days before the surrender of the city, succeeded his uncle Gervasio Posadas as the Supreme Director of the United Provinces, on January 11, 1815. Alvear, however, was resisted by the troops, so he was quickly replaced, on April 21, by Ignacio Álvarez Thomas through a mutiny. Álvarez Thomas then appointed Alvear as General of the Northern Army, in replacement of José Rondeau, but the officiality did not recognize this and remained loyal to Rondeau.

Third Alto Perú campaign (1815)
In 1815, he Northern Army, unofficially commanded by José Rondeau, started another offensive campaign in the Upper Perú, without the formal authorization of Supreme Director Álvarez Thomas. Lacking official support, however, the army was faced with anarchy. Moreover, soon after it would lose as well the aid of the Provincial Army of Salta, commanded by Martín Miguel de Güemes. After the defeats of Venta y Media (October 21) and Sipe-Sipe (November 28), the northern territories of the Upper Peru were effectively lost to the United Provinces. However, the Spanish Army could not advance further south as they were successfully stopped at Salta by the Güemes guerrillas from then on.

The unsuccessful outcome of the third Upper Peru campaign would spread rumors in Europe that the May Revolution was over. Furthermore, King Ferdinand VII was restored to the Spanish throne on 1815, so an urgent decision was needed regarding the political status of the United Provinces.

On July 9, 1816, an assembly of representatives of the Provinces (including three Upper Peru departments but excluding representatives from Santa Fe, Entre Ríos, Corrientes and the Banda Oriental, united into the Federal League) met at the Congress of Tucumán and declared the Independence of the United Provinces in South America from the Spanish Crown, with provisions for a national Constitution.

  Army of the Andes (1814-1818)
In 1814, General José de San Martín had taken command of the Army of the North to prepare a new invasion of the Upper Peru. However, he quickly resigned as he foresaw yet another defeat. Instead, he developed a new strategy to attack the Viceroyalty of Perú through the Captaincy of Chile, inspired on the writings of Sir Thomas Maitland, who was quoted as saying that the only way to defeat the Spanish at Quito and Lima was attacking Chile first.

San Martín asked to became the Governor of the Province of Cuyo, where he prepared the Chile campaign. Installed in the city of Mendoza, San Martín reorganized the Granaderos cavalry unit into the Army of the Andes, which he created out patriots from both the United Provinces and exiles from Chile.

In early 1817, San Martín led the crossing of the Andes into Chile, obtaining a decisive victory at the battle of Chacabuco on February 17, 1817, which allowed the exiled chilean leader Bernardo O'Higgins to enter Santiago de Chile unopposed and install a new independent government. In December 1817, a popular referendum was set up to decide about the Independence of Chile.

However, a Royalist resistance stood still in southern Chile, allied with the Mapuches. On April 4, Argentine Colonel Juan Gregorio de Las Heras had occupied Concepción, but the Royalists retreated to Talcahuano. In early 1818, Royalist reinforcements from the Viceroyalty of Peru arrived, commanded by general Mariano Osorio, and advanced towards the capital. San Martín then turned to scorched earth tactics and ordered the evacuation of Concepción, which he thought was impossible to defend. On 18 February 1818, the first anniversary of the battle of Chacabuco, Chile declared its independendence from the Spanish Crown.

On March 18, 1818, Osorio led a surprise attack on the joint Argentine-Chilean army, which had to retreat to Santiago, with heavy losses. In fact, among the confusion, Supreme Director O'Higgins was thought to be killed, and panic seized the patriot camp. Crippled after his defeat at Cancha Rayada, O'Higgins delegated the command of the troops entirely to San Martín in a meeting on the plains of Maipú.

Then, on April 5, 1818, San Martín inflicted a decisive defeat on Osorio in the Battle of Maipú, after which the depleted royalists retreated to Concepcion, never again to launch a major offensive against Santiago.

The Chile campaign is generally considered to be the conclusion of the Argentine War of Independence, as the further actions of the United Army into Peru were carried on under the authority of the Chilean government, not the United Provinces. However, defensive actions continued to be carried on in the northern frontier of the United Provinces until the 1825 Battle of Ayacucho, which ended the royalist threat from the Upper Peru.

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World Countries

Colombian Declaration of Independence

Colombian Declaration of Independence refers to the historic events of July 20, 1810, in Santa Fe de Bogota, which resulted in the establishment of a junta in that capital. This experience in self-government eventually led to the creation of the Republic of Colombia.

Political background
In the mid-18th century, King Charles III (reigned 1759-1788) had ruled as a typical enlightened absolutist monarch, promoting the arts and allowing the expression of some of the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment in Spain and America, while at the same time maintaining strong political power. The American colonies, however, were forbidden from trading with other colonies or countries, such as the United Kingdom or the British North America, leaving Spain as their only source of goods and merchandise, although Spain was unable to fulfill the trade demands of its colonies. Furthermore, Charles III's support for the independence of the United States generated the creation of new taxes, causing disturbances in Spain's American possessions, such as the Revolt of the Comuneros (New Granada) and the Túpac Amaru II's rebellion. Another major tension was the policy of excluding Criollos, or locally born whites, from public administration.

Charles IV (reigned 1788-1808) was not very interested in exercising political power, leaving such duties to his ministers, especially the disliked Manuel Godoy. Charles IV was more interested in pursuing the arts and science and gave little importance to the American colonies.

The development that precipitated the events of July 20, 1810, was the crisis of the Spanish monarchy caused by the 1808 abdications of Charles IV and Ferdinand VII forced by Napoleon Bonaparte in favor of his brother Joseph Bonaparte. The ascension of King Joseph initially had been cheered by Spanish afrancesados (literally, "Frenchified"), usually elites and important statesmen who believed that collaboration with France would bring modernization and liberty to Spain. An example of Joseph's policies was the abolition of the Spanish Inquisition. However, the general population rejected the new king and opposition, led by the priesthood and patriots, became widespread after the French army's first examples of repression (such as the executions of May 3, 1808, in Madrid) became widely known.

Eventually an emergency government in the form of a Supreme Central Junta was formed in Spain. Most of the authorities in the Americas swore allegiance to the new Supreme Central Junta.

  The "Memorial of Grievances"
The Supreme Central Junta ordered the election of one representative from each of the Spanish American kingdoms by the cabildos (municipal governments) of the main cities of the realms. In addition the cabildos were to draft instructions for the representative to present to the Supreme Central Junta.

The "Memorial of Grievances" was drafted by Camilo Torres Tenorio in his capacity as legal advisor to the Santa Fe de Bogotá cabildo. In it he criticized the Spanish Monarchy's policy of excluding Criollos from high posts in the Americas and alleging their rights to govern in their homelands as "the offspring of the conquistadores".

Furthermore, he proposed equality between Spanish Americans and Spaniards as the basis for maintaining the unity of the Spanish Monarchy:

[There are no] other means to consolidate the union between America and Spain [but] the just and competent representation of its people, without any difference among its subjects that they do not have because of their laws, their customs, their origins, and their rights. Equality!
The sacred right of equality. Justice is founded upon that principle and upon granting everyone that which is his. […]
[T]he true fraternal union between European Spaniards and Americans… can never exist except upon the basis of justice and equality. America and Spain are two integral and constituent parts of the Spanish Monarchy…
Anyone who believes otherwise does not love his patria…
Therefore, to exclude the Americans from such representation, in addition to being the greatest injustice, would arouse distrust and jealousy, and would forever alienate their desires for such a union…

And finally, Torres defended the right of New Granada to establish a junta given the political circumstances. Although the draft expressed many of common sentiments of Criollos at the time and probably was discussed by prominent members of the capital's society, it was never adopted by the cabildo. It would be published for the first time only in 1832.

The first American juntas
As the military situation in Spain deteriorated, many Spanish Americans desired to establish their own juntas, despite their formal declarations of loyalty to the Supreme Central Junta.

A movement to set up a junta in neighboring Caracas in 1808 was stopped by the Captain-General with arrests of the conspirators. In Kingdom of Charcas (today, Bolivia) a juntas were established in Charcas on May 25 and La Paz on July 16, 1809.

More importantly to events in New Granada, in the neighboring Kingdom of Quito—a territory under the auspices of the viceroy of New Granada— a group of Criollos led by Juan Pío Montúfar, the second Marquis of Selva Alegre, established an autonomous junta on August 10, swearing loyalty to Ferdinand VII, but rejecting the viceregal authorities.

Viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón considered this a rebellious act, and fearing for similar developments in New Granada, ordered military action to put down the junta in conjunction with the Viceroy of Peru.

Camilo Torres
Dissolution of the Supreme Central Junta
In mid-1810 news arrived that the Supreme Central Junta had dissolved itself in favor of a regency. In response to the new political crisis, Spaniards and Criollos in the Americas established juntas that continued to swear allegiance to King Ferdinand VII.

The next incident happened in Caracas, on April 19, 1810. The mantuanos, (the rich, criollo elite of Venezuela) together with military and eclessiatic authorities, declared autonomy, again, swearing loyalty to Ferdinand VII but rejecting the viceroyalty. The Cadiz Board of government decided to order the destitution of Amar y Borbon, sending a notification with the royal visitor Antonio Villavicencio, who arrived in Cartagena on May 8.

On May 22 in Cartagena de Indias, the Cartagena Board of government was created with similar terms to the previous one.[6] Shortly after, same scenarios surged in Santiago de Cali, Socorro and Pamplona. Finally, Bogota, the central cathedra of the Viceroyalty rebelled on July 20. Initially, the government board declared to Amar y Borbón as president, but shortly after, on July 25, he was deposed and arrested. The spark for this was the flower vase incident at local businessman José González Llorente's Bogota residence on the morning of the 20th.

  Llorente's flower vase incident
On the morning of July 20, 1810, Joaquin Camacho went to the residence of the Viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón, requesting response on an application for the establishment of a governing board in Santa Fe, but the refusal of the Viceroy coupled his arrogance, made to proceed to join the fray with the excuse of the loan of a vase.

Luis Rubio then went to visit the businessman José González Llorente to borrow the vase, to use it in a dinner for the visiting royal commissioner Antonio Villavicencio, but Llorente refused to lend the vase with a haughty attitude. In light of this, and as was planned on the previous day, The "criollos" took the vase and broke it to provoke Llorente and thus raised tempers of the people against the Spanish.

The "criollos" knew Llorente, being a merchant, would refuse to lend the vase, first because it was for sale and second because he would not lend any objects to the "criollos" to meet fellow "criollos".

Subsequently, a group of natives, among whom was Francisco José de Caldas, made a bow of submission to Spain and the Regency Council.
In response, Antonio Morales Caldas scolded him for prompting a turbulent response from the people, who tried to attack Llorente.

The mayor of Santa Fe, José Miguel Pey, tried to calm the people attacking Llorente, while Jose Maria Carbonell encouraged people to join the protest. That afternoon, a Junta was formed (later called the People's Junta) with José Acevedo as chairman, but the crowds were angered by the Viceroy's decision to be nominated for president, which he accepted.

Later, a rally called by Juan Sámano, a Spanish Army officer, would lead to the Junta being reorganized (Acevedo had earlier urged the people to help charge him for lese-majesty). The next day, July 21, the Junta ordered the arrest of Viceroy Aman and his officials (and also for his resignation from the Junta presidency), and on the 25th Aman was forced to resign and was arrested. Five days later, July 26, the Junta declared that its ties to the Seville Regency Council were finally cut.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Foolish Fatherland

The period between 1810 and 1816 in the Viceroyalty of New Granada (today Colombia) was marked by such intense conflicts over the nature of the new government or governments that it became known as la Patria Boba (the Foolish Fatherland). Constant fighting between federalists and centralists gave rise to a prolonged period of instability. Similar developments can be seen at the same time in the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. Each province, and even some cities, set up its own autonomous junta, which declared themselves sovereign from each other.

The Establishment of Juntas, 1810
With the arrival of news in May 1810 that southern Spain had been conquered by Napoleon's forces, that the Spanish Supreme Central Junta had dissolved itself and that juntas had been established in Venezuela, cities in New Granada began to do the same and established their own. Cartagena de Indias established one on May 22, 1810, followed by Cali on July 3, Pamplona the next day, and Socorro on July 10.

On July 20 the viceregal capital, Santa Fe de Bogotá, established its own junta. (The day is today celebrated as Colombia's Independence Day.) The viceroy Antonio José Amar y Borbón initially presided over the junta in Bogotá, but due to popular pressure, he was deposed five days later.

Although the Bogotá junta called itself a "Supreme Junta of the New Kingdom of Granada," the splintering of political authority continued as even secondary cities set up juntas that claimed to be independent of their provincial capitals, resulting in military conflicts. There were two fruitless attempts at establishing a congress of provinces in the subsequent months.
  The First Independent States and Civil War
In the meantime, the province of Bogotá transformed itself into a state called Cundinamarca. In March 1811 it convened a "Constituent Electoral College of the State of Cundinamarca," which promulgated a constitution for the state the following month. The constitution established Cundinamarca as a constitutional monarchy under the absent Ferdinand VII. (It would declare full independence only in August 1813.)

Cundinamarca invited the other provinces to send delegates to a new "Congress of the United Provinces," which first met in Bogotá, but later moved to Tunja and Leyva to maintain independence from the capital city. The Congress eventually established a confederation called the United Provinces of New Granada on November 27, 1811, with a weak federal government, but Cundinamarca rejected the Union. The Congress and Cundinamarca could not agree on whether the former viceroyalty was to have a centralist government or a federal one. At the same time, popular agitation in Cartagena lead it to declare independence on November 11, 1811, the first province in New Granada to do so. (The day is also today a national holiday in Colombia.)
Other regions of the New Kingdom of Granada established their own governments and confederations (for example, the Friend Cities of the Cauca Valley, 1811–1812) or remained royalist.

The dispute over the form of government eventually erupted into war by the end of 1812, and once again in 1814. The first war resulted in a stalemate, which nevertheless allowed Cundinamarca to organize an expedition against royalist regions of Popayán and Pasto. It resulted in defeat and its dynamic president, Antonio Nariño, was captured. Facing an enfeebled Cundinamarca, the United Provinces took the opportunity to send an army against it, headed by Simón Bolívar, who had fled Venezuela for the second time after the fall of the Second Republic of Venezuela. Bolívar and his army forced the submission of Cundinamarca to the Union by December 1814. However, by mid-1815 a large Spanish expeditionary force under Pablo Morillo had arrived in New Granada, which bolstered earlier royalist advances made by Santa Marta. Morillo lay siege on Cartagena on August and it finally fell five months later in December with the city suffering large numbers of civilian casualties due to famine and disease. By May 1816 Morillo and royalists from the south had conquered Bogotá and returned all of New Granada to royalist control until August 1819, when forces under the command of Simón Bolívar retook the central part of the region.

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World Countries

Chilean War of Independence

The Chilean War of Independence was an armed conflict between pro-independence Chilean criollos seeking political and economic independence from Spain and royalist criollos supporting continued allegiance to the Captaincy General of Chile and membership of the Spanish Empire.


Traditionally, the beginning of the war is dated as September 18, 1810. Depending on what terms are used to define its end, it lasted until 1821, when royalist forces were expelled from mainland Chile; or until 1826, when the last Spanish troops surrendered and the Chiloé Archipelago was incorporated to the Chilean republic. A declaration of independence was officially issued by Chile on February 12, 1818 and formally recognized by Spain in 1844, when full diplomatic relations were established.

The Chilean War of Independence was part of the more aroused Spanish American wars of independence. Independence did not have unanimous support among Chileans, who were divided between independentists and royalists. What started as a political movement among elites against the colonial power, ended as a full-fledged civil war. Traditionally, the process is divided into three stages: the Patria Vieja, 1810–1814; the Reconquista, 1814–1817; and the Patria Nueva, 1817-1823.


Romanticized painting of the 1814 Battle of Rancagua by Pedro Subercaseaux
At the start of 1808, the Captaincy General of Chile – one of the smallest and poorest colonies in the Spanish Empire – was under the administration of Luis Muñoz de Guzmán, an able, respected and well-liked Royal Governor. In May 1808 the overthrow of Charles IV and Ferdinand VII, their replacement by Joseph Bonaparte and the start of the Peninsular War plunged the empire into a state of agitation. In the meantime, Chile was facing its own internal political problems. Governor Guzmán had suddenly died in February of that year and the crown had not been able to appoint a new governor before the invasion. After a brief interim regency by Juan Rodríguez Ballesteros, and according to the succession law in place at the time, the position was laid claim to and assumed by the most senior military commander, who happened to be Brigadier Francisco García Carrasco.

García Carrasco took over the post of Governor of Chile in April and in August the news of the Napoleonic invasion of Spain and of the conformation of a Supreme Central Junta to govern the Empire in the absence of a legitimate king reached the country. In the meantime, Charlotte Joaquina, sister of Ferdinand and wife of the King of Portugal, who was living in Brazil, also made attempts to obtain the administration of the Spanish dominions in Latin America. Since her father and brother were being held prisoners in France, she regarded herself as the heiress of her captured family. Allegedly among her plan was to send armies to occupy Buenos Aires and northern Argentina and to style herself as Queen of La Plata.

Brigadier García Carrasco was a man of crude and authoritarian manners, who managed in a very short time to alienate the criollo elites under his command. Already in Chile, as in most of Latin America, there had been some independence agitation but minimal and concentrated in the very ineffectual Conspiracy of the Tres Antonios back in 1781. The majority of the people were fervent royalists but were divided into two groups: those who favored the status quo and the divine right of Ferdinand VII (known as absolutists) and those who wanted to proclaim Charlotte Joaquina as Queen (known as carlotists). A third group was composed of those who proposed the replacement of the Spanish authorities with a local junta of notable citizens, which would conform a provisional government to rule in the absence of the king and an independent Spain (known as juntistas).

  In 1809, Governor García Carrasco himself was implicated in a flagrant case of corruption (the Scorpion scandal) that managed to destroy whatever remnants of moral authority he or his office had left. From that moment on the pressure for his removal began to build. In June 1810 news arrived from Buenos Aires that Napoleon Bonaparte's forces had conquered Andalusia and laid siege to Cádiz, the last redoubt against the French on Spanish soil.

Moreover, the Supreme Central Junta, which had governed the Empire for the past two years, had abolished itself in favor of a Regency Council. García Carrasco, who was a supporter of the carlotist group, managed to magnify the political problems by taking arbitrary and harsh measures, such as the arrest and deportation to Lima without due process of well-known and socially prominent citizens under simple suspicions of having been sympathetic to the junta idea. Among those arrested were José Antonio de Rojas, Juan Antonio Ovalle and Bernardo de Vera y Pintado.

Inspired by the May Revolution in Argentina, the autonomy movement had also propagated through the criollo elite. They resented the illegal arrests and, together with the news that Cádiz was all that was left of a free Spain, finally solidified in their opposition to the Governor. Brigadier García Carrasco was suspended from office and forced to resign on July 16, 1810, to be in turn replaced by the next most senior soldier, Mateo de Toro Zambrano Count of la Conquista, even though a legitimate Governor, Francisco Javier de Elío, had already been appointed by the Viceroy of Peru.

Count Toro Zambrano was, by all standards, a very unorthodox selection. He was a very old man already (82 years old at the time) and moreover a "criollo" (someone born in the colonies) as opposed to a "peninsular" (someone born in Spain). Immediately after his appointment in July, the juntistas began to lobby him in order to obtain the formation of a junta. In August the Royal Appeals Court (Spanish: Real Audiencia) took a public loyalty oath to the Regency Council in front of a massive audience, which put added pressure on the Governor to define himself.

After vacillating for some time over which party to follow, Toro Zambrano finally agreed to hold an open Cabildo (city hall) meeting in Santiago to discuss the issue.
The date was set for September 18, 1810 at 11 AM.


Mateo de Toro Zambrano. Juan Martínez de Rozas. José Miguel Carrera. Bernardo O'Higgins. Manuel Rodríguez
Patria Vieja
From the very beginning, the juntistas took the political initiative. As soon as the Cabildo was called, they were able to place their members in the committee charged with sending the invitations, thus manipulating the assistance lists to their own advantage. At the September 18 session, they grabbed center stage with shouts of "¡Junta queremos! ¡junta queremos!" ("We want a junta! We want a junta!"). Count Toro Zambrano, faced with this very public show of force, acceded to their demands by depositing his ceremonial baton on top of the main table and saying "Here is the baton, take it and rule."

The Government Junta of the Kingdom of Chile, also known as the First Junta, was organized with the same powers as a Royal Governor. Their first measure was to take a loyalty oath to Ferdinand VII as legitimate King. Count Toro Zambrano was elected President, and the rest of the positions were distributed equally among all parties, but the real power was left in the hands of the secretary, Juan Martínez de Rozas. The Junta then proceeded to take some concrete measures that had been long-held aspirations of the colonials: it created a militia for the defense of the kingdom, decreed freedom of trade with all nations that were allied to Spain or neutrals, a unique tariff of 134% for all imports (with the exception of printing presses, books and guns which were liberated from all taxes) and in order to increase its representativity, ordered the convocatory of a National Congress. Immediately, political intrigue began amongst the ruling elite, with news of the political turbulence and wars of Europe all the while coming in. It was eventually decided that elections for the National Congress, to be composed of 42 representatives, would be held in 1811.

Three political tendencies were starting to appear: the Extremists (Spanish: exaltados), the Moderates (Spanish: moderados) and the Royalists (Spanish: realistas). These groups were all decidedly against independence from Spain and differentiated themselves only in the degree of political autonomy that they sought.

  The Moderates, under the leadership of José Miguel Infante, were a majority, and wanted a very slow pace of reforms since they were afraid that once the King was back in power he would think that they were seeking independence and would roll-back all changes. The Extremists were the second most important group and they advocated a larger degree of freedom from the Crown and a faster pace of reforms stopping just short of full independence. Their leader was Juan Martínez de Rozas. The Royalists were against any reform at all and for the maintenance of the status quo.

By March 1811, 36 representatives had already been elected in all major cities with the exception of Santiago and Valparaíso. The great political surprise up to that point had been the results from the other center of power, Concepción, in which Royalists had defeated the supporters of Juan Martínez de Rozas. In the rest of Chile, the results were more or less equally divided: twelve pro-Rozas delegates, fourteen anti-Rozas and three Royalists. So, the Santiago elections were the key to Rozas' desire to remain in power. This election was supposed to take place on April 10, but before they could be called the Figueroa mutiny broke out.

On April 1, Royalist colonel Tomás de Figueroa—considering the notion of elections to be too populist—led a revolt in Santiago. The revolt sputtered, and Figueroa was arrested and summarily executed. The mutiny was successful in that temporarily sabotaged the elections, which had to be delayed. Eventually, however, a National Congress was duly elected, and all 6 deputies from Santiago came from the Moderate camp. Nonetheless, the mutiny also encouraged a radicalization of political postures. Although Moderates—who continued advocating political control of the elites and greater autonomy without a complete rupture from Spain—gained the majority of seats, a vocal minority was formed by Extremist revolutionaries who now wanted complete and instant independence from Spain.

The Real Audiencia of Chile, a long-standing pillar of Spanish rule, was dissolved for its alleged "complicity" with the mutiny. The idea of full independence gained momentum for the first time.


Opening session of the First Junta
Carrera dictatorship
During this time, a well-connected young man and a veteran of the Peninsular War, José Miguel Carrera, returned to Chile from Spain. Quickly, he was involved with the intrigues of various Extremists who plotted to wrestle power from Martínez de Rozas through armed means. After two coups, both in the end of 1811, the ambitious Carrera managed to take power, inaugurating a dictatorship. Prominent members of the government were Carrera's brothers Juan José and Luis, as well as Bernardo O'Higgins.

Meanwhile, a provisional Constitution of 1812 was promulgated with a marked liberal character. An example of this is the stipulation that "no order that emanates from outside the territory of Chile will have any effect, and anyone who tries to enforce such an order will be treated as a traitor." Carrera also created patriotic emblems for the Patria Vieja such as the flag, shield, and insignia. Also during his government, the first Chilean newspaper, the La Aurora de Chile was published under the editorship of Friar Camilo Henríquez. It supported the independence movement. Additionally, Carrera was responsible for bringing the first American consul to Chile. This was important, as it established a direct link between the liberalism and federalism of the United States with the principles of the Chilean independence movement. Finally, he founded the Instituto Nacional de Chile and the National Library of Chile. Both of these prestigious institutions have survived to the present day.

  Spanish invasions
The triumph of rebellions—both in Chile and Argentina—disquieted the Viceroy of Peru, José Fernando de Abascal. As a result, in 1813, he sent a military expedition by sea under the command of Antonio Pareja to deal with the situation in Chile (sending another force by land to attack northern Argentina). (Prago 139) The troops landed in Concepción, where they were received with applause. Pareja then attempted to take Santiago.

However, this effort failed, as did a subsequent inconclusive assault led by Gabino Gaínza. However, this was not due to the military performance of Carrera, and his incompetence led to the rise of the moderate O'Higgins, who eventually took supreme control of the pro-independence forces. Harassed on all sides, Carrera resigned, in what is commonly taken to mark the beginning of the period of the Reconquista.

After the attempt by Gaínza, the two sides had signed the Treaty of Lircay on May 14, nominally bringing peace but effectively only providing a breathing space. (Prago 140) Abascal had no intention of honoring the treaty and that very year sent a much more decisive force southwards, under the command of Mariano Osorio. The royalist force landed and moved to Chillán, demanding complete surrender.
O'Higgins wanted to defend the city of Rancagua, while Carrera wanted to make the stand at the pass of Angostura, a more felicitous defensive position but also closer to Santiago.

Because of the disagreements and resulting lack of coordination, the independence forces were divided, and O'Higgins was obliged to meet the royalists at Rancagua without reinforcements. The resulting battle, the Disaster of Rancagua, on October 1 and 2 of 1814, was fought fiercely, but ended in stunning defeat for the independence forces of which only 500 of the original 5,000 survived. (Prago 141) A little while later, Osorio entered Santiago and put the rebellion of the Patria Vieja to an end.
The viceroy Abascal confirmed Mariano Osorio as governor of Chile, although a later disagreement between the two would result in Osorio's removal and the installation of Francisco Marcó del Pont as governor in 1815. In any case, the Spanish believed that it was necessary to teach the revolutionaries a good lesson and embarked on a campaign of fierce political persecution, led by the infamous Vicente San Bruno. The patriots found in Santiago—among whom were members of the First Junta—were exiled to the Juan Fernández Islands. Far from pacifying the patriots, these actions served to incite them, and soon even the most moderate concluded that anything short of independence was intolerable. A large group of patriots (among them Carrera and O'Higgins) decided to flee to Mendoza, an Andean province of the newly independent Argentina. At the time, the governor of this province was José de San Martín, a leader of the Argentine independence movement who would become regarded as the "Simón Bolívar" of the southern part of Spanish South America. Upon the arrival of the exiles, San Martín immediately began to favor O'Higgins (probably because of their shared membership in the Logia Lautaro, a pro-independence secret society).Carrera's influence begun to fade and ended finally when he was executed by firing squad in 1821.
Francisco Marcó del Pont

While San Martín and O'Higgins organized an army to recross the Andes and recapture Santiago, they charged the lawyer Manuel Rodríguez with the task of mounting a guerrilla campaign. The goals of the campaign were to keep the Spanish forces off balance, ridicule San Bruno, and generally bolster the morale of the patriots. Through his subsequent daring exploits, Rodríguez became a romantic hero of the revolution. In one of his more celebrated actions, he disguised himself as a beggar and succeeded in obtaining alms from Governor Marcó del Pont himself, who by that time had put a price on Rodríguez's head.

The liberating Army of the Andes was prepared by 1817. After a difficult crossing the Andes, royalist forces led by Rafael Maroto were encountered on the plain of Chacabuco, to the north of Santiago. The resulting Battle of Chacabuco, on February 12, 1817, was a decisive victory for the independence forces. As a result, the patriots re-entered Santiago. San Martín was proclaimed Supreme Director, but he declined the offer and put O'Higgins in the post, where he would remain until 1823. On the first anniversary of the Battle of Chacabuco, O'Higgins formally declared independence.

Patria Nueva
During the preceding time, Joaquín de la Pezuela was installed as a new viceroy in Peru. He resolved to recall his son-in-law, Mariano Osorio, sending him south with another expeditionary force. The troops disembarked at Concepcion, and recruited a number of Amerindians to join their ranks. Meanwhile, Bernardo O'Higgins moved north to somehow stop the advance of the royalists. However, his forces were surprised and very badly beaten at the Second Battle of Cancha Rayada on March 18, 1818. In the confusion, a false rumor spread that San Martin and O'Higgins had died, and a panic seized the patriot troops, many of whom agitated for a full retreat back across the Andes to Mendoza. In these critical circumstances, the erstwhile Manuel Rodríguez jumped to the lead, haranguing and rallying the soldiers with the cry "There's still a country, citizens!" He named himself Supreme Director, a position which he would occupy for exactly 30 hours, which was the time the living, but wounded, O'Higgins took to return to Santiago and reclaim command.
Then, on April 5, 1818, San Martín inflicted a decisive defeat on Osorio the Battle of Maipú, after which the depleted royalists retreated to Concepcion, never again to launch a major offensive against Santiago. Independence was all but secured, and worries about internal divisions were allayed when O'Higgins saluted San Martín as savior of the country, a moment which came to be known as the Embrace of Maipú.
José de San Martín
Total war
To further secure Chilean independence, San Martín launched a series of actions against armed bands in the mountains, consisting of assorted outlaws, royalists, and Indians who had taken advantage of the chaos of military expeditions and forced recruitments to pillage and sack the countryside. This time of irregular warfare was later called the Guerra a muerte (Total war) for its merciless tactics, as neither the guerillas nor the government soldiers took prisoners. Only after the band of Vicente Benavides was liquidated in 1822 was the region around Concepcion finally pacified.

Resignation of O'Higgins
Incorporation of Valdivia and Chiloé
As San Martín worked to establish internal stability, O'Higgins also looked to defend the country against further external threats by the Spanish and continue to roll back imperial control. He developed the Chilean navy as a line of defense against seaborne attacks, placing the Scotsman Lord Cochrane in the post of admiral. In 1820, Cochrane administered a stunning blow to the remaining royalist forces in a successful attack on a complex of fortifications at Valdivia. Later Cochrane disembarked troops under commander William Miller at northern Chiloé Island in order to conquer the last Spanish stronghold in Chile, the Archipelago of Chiloé. This failed attempt ended in the minor but significant Battle of Agüi. Later on, Georges Beauchef headed from Valdivia an expedition to secure Osorno so that the Spanish would not reoccupy Valdivia from the land. Beauchef inflicted a decisive defeat on the royalists at the Battle of El Toro.

In any case, San Martín and O'Higgins were in agreement that the danger would not be passed until the Viceroyalty of Peru itself was independent from Spain.

  Thus, a fleet and army was prepared for an expedition to the country, and in 1820, San Martín and Cochrane set off for Peru. However, the audacious and daring character of Cochrane conflicted with the excessive prudence of San Martín.

San Martín let escape a number of opportunities to land the decisive blow against the viceroy, and in the end it was Simón Bolívar who launched the final offensive after coming down from Colombia, Peruvian independence was secured after the Battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824, in which forces led by Antonio José de Sucre—a lieutenant of Bolívar—defeated the royalist army for good.

In Chilean historiography, the Patria Nueva generally ends in 1823, with the resignation of O'Higgins. However, the last Spanish territory in Chile, the archipelago of Chiloé, was not conquered until 1826, during the government of Ramón Freire, O'Higgins' successor.
However some believe that the "Patria Nueva" is a never-ending movement and that it continues to prevail in Chilean nationalistic ideas today.


Economic impact
The independence wars in Chile (1810–1818) and Peru (1809–1824) had a negative impact on the Chilean wheat industry. Trade was disrupted and armies in Chile pillaged the countryside. The Guerra a muerte phase was particularly destructive and ended only to see a period of outlaw banditry (e.g. Pincheira brothers) occur until the late 1820s. Trade with Peru did not fully recover after the independence struggles.

The Chilean ruling elite adopted a free trade policy already in 1811 with the "Decreto de Libre Comercio". This allowed the country in the mid-19th century to exploit the opportunities that the California Gold Rush and the Australian gold rushes created for exporting wheat.

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World Countries

Bolivian war of independence
The Bolivian war of independence began in 1809 with the establishment of government juntas in Sucre and La Paz, after the Chuquisaca Revolution and La Paz revolution. These Juntas were defeated shortly after, and the cities fell again under Spanish control. The May Revolution of 1810 ousted the viceroy in Buenos Aires, which established its own junta. Buenos Aires sent three military campaigns to the Upper Peru, headed by Juan José Castelli, Manuel Belgrano and José Rondeau, but the royalists ultimately prevailed over each one. However, the conflict grew into a guerrilla war, the War of the Republiquetas, preventing the royalists from strengthening their presence. After Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre defeated the royalists in northern South America, Sucre led a campaign that defeated the royalists in Upper Peru for good. Bolivian independence was proclaimed on August 6 of 1825.
The Colonial Governing Power and The Causes of the War
Upper Peru (modern day Bolivia) is also sometimes referred to as the Charcas. This region fell under the authority of Spanish colonial rule in the sixteenth century. It was originally placed directly under the rule of the Viceroyalty of Peru, however this location proved to be too distant for the effective ruling of Charcas and so Phillip II established the Audiencia of Charcas, which was an autonomous governing body under the purview of the viceroy of Peru. This governing was composed of ‘‘oidores’’ or judges and a governor with the title of president of the Audiencia. The Audiencia was given authority by to make final decisions when a viceroy was unavailable or absent. The Audiencia was centered in Chuquisaca, which started out as an indigenous community and later became known by its post-independence name, Sucre. This was the center of administration as well as cultural activities for Charcas. The Archbishop of Charcas lived there and one of the prominent universities in Bolivia, was founded there. The Audiencia was a great honor for the Charcas. ‘’Oidores’’ mostly came directly from Spain and tended to be very proud, often making everyone bow to them. They were also incredibly ignorant about the peoples needs and problems. As Spanish settlements expanded to the south, the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Charcas grew to include not only present day Bolivia, but also Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and even parts of Peru. In 1776, the Audiencia of Charcas was placed under the authority of the viceroy of Buenos Aires in the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and most trade was redirected to Buenos Aires. This change was against Peruvian desires because they had wanted to keep Upper Peru for its enormous wealth in the mines of Potosí. For the next few decades, the question of the political and economic ties with Upper Peru was constantly fought over by Peru and Río de la Plata. On May 25, 1809 the citizens of Sucre participated in the first outbreak that was part of the initiation of the war of independence in Bolivia.

In 1784 the Spanish rulers created the intendancy system. Four main intendancies were constructed in La Paz, Cochabamba, Potosí, and Chuquisaca. This system gave authority to a few, skillful and educated men who were directly responsible to the King of Spain. This system was implemented to increase to revenue as well as stop specific problems that had resulted from other authorities misusing their power. The system consequently limited the power of the Audiencia.

The Bolivian people were divided into three main categories, Criollos, Mestizos, and the indigenous population. In authority over all of these people were the Peninsulares, who were influential people who had come from Spain to assume a leadership position in the church or government, in one of the Spanish colonies. All the rest of Bolivian people had a social status beneath this elite class. The Criollos were people of pure Spanish descent that had been born in Latin America. The Criollos were envious of the power the Peninsulares held and this attitude formed part of the basis for the reason for war of independence. Under the Criollos on the social strata were the Mestizos, who were a mix of Spanish and Indigenous descent.

  The main reason these two people mixed was because of the lack of Spanish women in the region. Finally, at the bottom of the hierarchy was the biggest social class, the indigenous people, who primarily spoke Aymara and Quechua. These people often did not know what was going on politically in the country, however they offered a large force of fighting men for both the patriots and the royalists in the war.
Nevertheless, in the War of Independence they proved to be very unpredictable and would, at times, turn on the army at any provocation. These people would generally fight for whoever controlled that area, whether loyalists, patriots, or royalists. The majority of the time it was the ‘‘Republiquetas’’ that controlled the rural areas were the Natives lived. Although they would fight for whomever, these people favored the patriots because they were part native, where as the other armies were of pure Spanish descent. The real intention of the Indigenous people was to reestablish the Incan empire and so wanted a form of government different from all three of the other groups. These groups all contented for the Natives’ assistance in order to win the war, however not one army ever thought of liberating these people.

Independence was not a new idea in the minds of the people of the Charcas. This concept had begun to take root long before and already signs of discontent with current form of government were beginning to show. The individuals in every class of the Bolivian population had become dissatisfied, the Criollos, the Mestizos, as well as the Indigenous people. They were all feeling the effects of increased Spanish taxes and trade restrictions. Indigenous rebellions started in 1730 in Cochabamba and others followed in the decades to come. Although most of the people were discontent, the different social classes were not unified their solution to the dilemma. The indigenous wanted to do away with all the Spanish people and set up an Andean Utopia, where as the Criollos simply desired more freedom from Spain. The Criollos were very racist against the Native population and so these two people groups never really united against Spain.

Many revolutionary ideas were spread from the University in Chuquisaca. In the early 1780s different students in the University distributed pamphlets in Charcas. These were written against Spanish authority and in them public officials were even called thieves. The ideas of independence really stemmed from Aquinas, a church father, who wrote about politics. He taught that if a ruler is cruel and tyrannical the people have a right to rebel and fight against their own government. The ruler should be under the Pope, thus the people can rebel against the King but not against God. There was not one main leader of the Revolutionaries or Radicals. Nevertheless, three main men were influential in this circle, Jaime Zudañez, Manuel Zudañez, and Bernardo Monteagudo. Jaime Zudañez was part of the Audiencia in the department of the defense of the poor. He would try to influence the decisions the Audiencia made and no one suspected his treasonous behavior. Manuel Zudeñez, his brother, was in the government as well and held an important position in the University in Chuquisaca. Finally Bernardo Monteagudo was a writer from a poor family but had an impact the people through his whispering campaigns. All three of these men were in favor of doing away with the president, Ramón García León de Pizarro.

The juntas of 1809
During the Peninsular War which took place in Spain, Upper Peru (today Bolivia) closely followed the reports that arrived describing the rapidly evolving political situation in Spain, which led the Peninsula to near anarchy. The sense of uncertainty was heightened by the fact that news of the March 17 Mutiny of Aranjuez and the May 6, 1808 abdication of Ferdinand VII in favor of Joseph Bonaparte arrived within a month of each other, on August 21 and September 17, respectively. In the confusion that followed, various juntas in Spain and Portuguese Princess Carlotta, sister of Ferdinand VII, in Brazil claimed authority over the Americas.
On November 11, the representative of the Junta of Seville, José Manuel de Goyeneche, arrived in Chuquisaca, after stopping in Buenos Aires, with instructions to secure Upper Peru's recognition of authority of the Seville Junta. He also brought with him a letter from Princess Carlotta requesting the recognition of her right to rule in her brother's absence. The President-Intendant Ramón García León de Pizarro, backed by the Archbishop of Chuquisaca Benito María de Moxó y Francolí, was inclined to recognize the Seville Junta, but the mostly Peninsular Audiencia of Charcas, in its function as a privy council for the President (the real acuerdo), felt it would be hasty to recognize either one. A fist fight almost broke between the senior oidor and Goyeneche over the issue, but the oidores' opinion prevailed. The Radicals or Revolutionaries supported the ‘‘Audiencia’s’’ decision because it put the power more into the hands of the people in Latin America as well as because it was a “temporary” split with Spain during this time of tribulation in the land of Spain. Over the next few weeks García León and Moxó became convinced that recognizing Carlotta might be the best way to preserve the unity of the empire, but this was unpopular with the majority of Upper Peruvians and the Audiencia. The President and the Archbishop of grew very unpopular with the ‘‘oidores’’ because the archbishop informed the people on every bit of news that arrived from Spain. The ‘‘Audiencia’’ wanted to conceal the information in order to not acknowledge their own weaknesses. During this time the Catholic Church in Upper Peru split from the “Audiencia” because of the tension between Moxó and the ‘‘Oidores’’.

On May 26, 1809, the Audiencia oidores received rumors that García León de Pizarro planned to arrest them in order to recognize Carlotta. The Audiencia decided that the situation had become so anarchic both in Upper Peru and in the Peninsula, that Upper Peru needed to take the government into its own hands. It removed García León de Pizarro from office and transformed itself into a junta, which ruled in Fernando's name, just as cities and provinces had done in Spain a year earlier.
  A second junta was established in La Paz on July 16 by Criollos who took over the local barracks and deposed both the intendant and bishop of La Paz.

The La Paz junta clearly broke with any authority in Spain and with the authorities in Buenos Aires. José de la Serna, the Spanish Viceroy in Lima dispatched five thousand soldiers led by none other than Goyeneche, who had become the president of ‘‘Audiencia’’ in Cuzco.

The rebels were defeated and the leaders of the movement were hung or sentenced to live long imprisonment. The ‘‘Audiencia’’ had to beg for mercy as well as make an agreement with the Royalists so that the city of Chuquisaca would not be left in ruin by the army. This rebellion was stopped, however the yearning for freedom was far from extinguished. After Buenos Aires successfully established a junta in May 1810, Upper Peru came under the control of the Viceroyalty of Peru and managed to fight off several attempts by to take over it militarily.

The Peninsulares had very divided opinions regarding which form of government was that best and what claims from Spain were actually true, thus they unconsciously left room for other groups to take the initiative for the future of Upper Peru. The Criollos were excited about this break between the President and the ‘‘Audiencia’’ because they took it as an excellent opportunity to gain the power they had always craved but never obtained because of the Spanish government.

These upper class Criollos were divided into three main sections. The first one was very influenced by the Peninsulares and so did not desire anything to change. The second sector longed for an independent government. The final group was made up of the Radicals who wanted an independent government, not to solely accomplish that end, but to bring about deeper social reforms.

The middle class Criollos as well as the Mestizos did not actively participate in expressing their opinions because they lacked leadership but were very attentive to all that was happening during the war.

The republiquetas
From 1810 to 1824, the idea of independence was kept alive by six guerrilla bands that formed in the backcountry of Upper Peru. The areas they controlled are called republiquetas ("petty republics") in the historiography of Bolivia. The republiquetas were located in the Lake Titicaca region, Mizque, Vallegrande, Ayopaya, the countryside around Sucre, the southern region near today's Argentina and Santa Cruz de la Sierra. The republiquetas were led by caudillos whose power was based on their personality and ability to win military engagements. This allowed them to create quasi-states which attracted varied followers, ranging from political exiles of the main urban centers to cattle rustlers and other fringe members of Criollo and Mestizo society.

These Criollo and Mestizo republiquetas often allied themselves with the local Indian communities, although it was not always possible to keep the Natives' loyalty, since their own material and political interests often eclipsed the idea of regional independence. Ultimately the republiquetas never had the size nor organization to actually bring about the independence of Upper Peru, but instead maintained a fifteen-year stalemate with royalist regions, while holding off attempts by Buenos Aires to control the area. Most of these quasi states were so isolated that they had no knowledge that the others even existed.
Antonio José de Sucre en la guerra contra la Corona Espanola.

During the time of the ‘‘Republiquetas’’ the radicals in Argentina had succeeded in winning the independence of the country on May 25, 1810. Since Upper Peru was included in the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata the radicals were interested in freeing Upper Peru as well. The citizens of Upper Peru showed their support of this through an uprising against the Royalists. Three armies were sent over from Argentina from 1810 to1817. The first army sent was led by Juan José Castelli. After his victory, he arrested the president of the ‘‘Audiencia’’, the intendant of Potosí, as well as a Royalist general. The people protested against this act because these people were respected in the community although they on the opposing side. Castelli did not heed their plead but executed them anyway because they would not submit to Argentina. The Argentinian army looted, stole, killed, and misused the citizens of Potosí. They not only disrespected the woman there, they also killed those who attempted to stop this behavior. Eventually they left to go conquer Chuquisaca. Castelli went from city to city in Upper Peru freeing the people from Royalist forces, but destroying the cities and mistreating its citizens in the process. Despite all of this, he did try to make reforms to free the indigenous and improve their quality of life. He finally arrived at the border of Viceroyalty of Lima and stopped and made a treaty with Goyeneche, yet he did not respect the treaty and kept expanding. Therefore on June 20, 1811 Goyeneche attacked Castelli’s army, causing them to flee back toward Argentina. They were forced to bypass Oruro and other cities because the people there wanted revenge for the trouble they had caused. Goyeneche did not continue pursuing Castelli’s army, but instead paused and cared for all the wounded. Castelli nonetheless, was eventually run out of the country and the Royalists took control. Two more auxiliary armies from Argentina followed but both were eventually defeated.

The areas of Upper Peru which remained under royalist control elected a representative to the Spanish Cortes, Mariano Rodríguez Olmedo, who served from May 4, 1813, to May 5, 1814. Rodríguez Olmedo was a conservative representative, signing the 1814 request, known as the "Manifesto of the Persians" ("Manifiesto de los Persas"), by seventy Cortes delegates to Ferdinand VII to repeal the Spanish Constitution of 1812.

Independence consolidated
Meanwhile, Simón Bolívar, who is considered by some to be the Napoleon of South America, and José de San Martín were endeavoring to free the surrounding territories in Latin America. San Martín, who was originally from Argentina, had liberated Chile and then moved on to Peru. Martín believed that to completely eliminate Spanish rule in Latin America they had to defeat the Royalists in Peru. Upper Peru was then under the Viceroyalty of Lima and thus liberating Peru would lead to the liberation of Upper Peru as well. Therefore, because of this strong conviction that as long as Spain controlled the seas they would have a foothold on the continent, he created a fleet led by Lord Cochrane, who had joined the Chilean service in 1819. Martín took over Lima in July 1821 and declared Peruvian independence. There Martín encountered much resistance from the Royalists who remained. During that time, his army began to crumple because of disease as well as soldiers abandoning the army. Martín was left with no choice but to beg Bolívar for his help. Although Bolívar and Martín met, they could not agree on the form of government that should be established for the liberated countries and so both went on their separate ways for the time being. Martín returned to Peru, only to face the a revolution in Lima that had started because the men left behind were incapable of governing the country. He resigned from his position as Protector of Peru, discouraged. Bolívar was convinced that it was his duty to rid the continent of the Spanish, and so journeyed to Lima. When he arrived on September 1, 1823, he immediately took command.
Pedro Domingo Murillo, precursor de la independencia de Bolivia.
The fight for independence gained new impetus after the December 9, 1824, Battle of Ayacucho, in which a combined army of 5,700 Gran Colombian and Peruvian troops under the command of Antonio José de Sucre defeated the royalist army of 6,500 and captured its leader, José de la Serna.
However, Royalist armies still remained, which were the stronghold at El Callao and the army of General Olañeta in Upper Peru. The army at El Callao was easily defeated but Olañeta’s army proved to be more difficult. Olañeta was rumored to have planned to surrender Upper Peru to Brazil in 1824 in order to keep the country under Spanish control. He had asked for Brazil to send over an army; however, the governor of Brazil refused to become involved. Bolívar and San Martín both desired to make an agreement with Olañeta because he had helped them in the battle of Ayacucho. Sucre, Bolívar’s most successful general, did not trust Olañeta and so despite his plan to make peace, he started to occupy Upper Peru.

Sucre prepared to persuade this Royalist general, either with works or by force. Bolívar assumed that Olañeta would take a long time deciding what to do and planned to travel to Upper Peru during that time. However, Olañeta had planned one more sudden attack. Sucre invited the men of Upper Peru to join him and in January 1825, a large number of men from Olañeta’s army deserted him and joined Sucre. On March 9, Sucre had succeeded in capturing every Royalist general there except for Olañeta. Yet this fierce general refused to surrender. Finally on April 13, Olañeta and Sucre met in battle and Olañeta was fatally wounded. At last Spain had relinquished its grip on South America, the final battles being fought in Upper Peru.

“Sucre called this city the cradle of American Independence.” The reason for this statement was that La Paz was the first place people were murdered for the desire for independence and now, decades later, the last Royalist forces had been defeated. What remained of the royalist forces dissolved because of mutiny and desertion. On April 25, 1825 Sucre stepped foot in Chuquisaca, which had been the hub of Spanish dominion. The citizens of the city rejoiced, gathering along the road. The town council, clergy, and the university students all congregated at the edge of Chuquisaca to greet Sucre. The people even went as far as preparing a Roman chariot pulled by twelve maidens dressed in blue and white to pull Sucre into the heart of the city.
  Sucre called a meeting on July 10 in Chuquisaca to decide the fate of the country of Upper Peru. There were three options that the committee could decide from. Upper Peru could unite with Argentina, unite with Peru, or become independent. Bolívar’s desire was for Upper Peru to unite with Peru; however, the council was in favor of becoming an independent nation. Although they did not all vote for this, all signed the declaration of independence on August 6, 1825. Although no one disputes that Bolivia was named after Bolívar, there are differences in opinion over why that actually happened. Some historians say that it is because the people were afraid Bolívar would be against the vote because Bolívar wanted Upper Peru to join Peru.

Because of this, they proceeded to name the newly formed country after him to appease him. The Bolivian population still celebrates Bolívar’s birthday as a national holiday to honor him. Bolívar was president for five months, during which time he reduced taxes, and reformed the land organization to aid the indigenous population. He left Sucre as president when he returned to govern the North. Sucre attempted to reduce the taxes that the indigenous were forced to pay. However, this plan failed because without it, he was not able to support the Gran Colombian Army which stopped the Argentinians from invading Bolivia again. Thus the system remained in place.

From then on, local elites dominated the congress and although they supported Sucre's efforts, they chafed under the idea that a Gran Colombian army remained in the nation. After an attempt on his life, Sucre resigned the presidency of Bolivia in April 1828 and returned to Venezuela. The Bolivian Congress elected La Paz native Andrés de Santa Cruz as the new president. Santa Cruz had been a former royalist officer, served under José de San Martín after 1821 and then under Sucre in Ecuador, and had a short term as president of Peru from 1826 to 1827. Santa Cruz arrived in Bolivia in May 1829 and assumed office. Independence did not provide solidarity to the nation. For six decades afterward, the country had feeble and short governing institutions.

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World Countries

Bolivar Simon emerges as major figure in S. American politics
Marshal Jean Bernadotte elected Crown Prince of Sweden
Charles XIV John

Charles XIV John, Swedish Karl Johan, or Carl Johan, original name Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte, also called (1806–10) Prince De Ponte-Corvo (born Jan. 26, 1763, Pau, France—died March 8, 1844, Stockholm, Swed.), French Revolutionary general and marshal of France (1804), who was elected crown prince of Sweden (1810), becoming regent and then king of Sweden and Norway (1818–44). Active in several Napoleonic campaigns between 1805 and 1809, he subsequently shifted allegiances and formed Swedish alliances with Russia, Great Britain, and Prussia, which defeated Napoleon at the Battle of Leipzig (1813).


Charles XIV John (king of Sweden and Norway.) Painting by François Gérard
  Bernadotte was the son of a lawyer. At the age of 17 he enlisted in the French army. By 1790 he had become an ardent supporter of the Revolution and rose rapidly from sublieutenant in 1792 to brigadier general in 1794.

During the campaigns in Germany, the Low Countries, and Italy he restrained his troops from plundering and gained a reputation as a disciplinarian. Bernadotte first met Napoleon Bonaparte in 1797 in Italy. Their relationship, at first friendly, was soon embittered by rivalries and misunderstandings.

In January 1798 Bernadotte was expected to succeed Bonaparte in command of the army of Italy but instead was appointed ambassador to Vienna until April, when his mission ended. On Aug. 17, 1798, having returned to Paris, he married Désirée Clary, Napoleon’s former fiancée and the sister-in-law of Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon’s older brother.

Bernadotte campaigned in Germany during the winter following his marriage, and from July to September 1799 he was minister of war. His growing fame, however, and his contacts with the radical Jacobins irritated Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès—one of the five members of the government of the Directory that ruled France from 1795 to 1799—who engineered his removal.

In November 1799 Bernadotte refused to assist Bonaparte’s coup d’état that ended the Directory but neither did he defend it. He was a councillor of state from 1800 to 1802 and became commander of the army of the west. In 1802 he fell under suspicion of complicity with a group of army officers of republican sympathies who disseminated anti-Bonapartist pamphlets and propaganda from the city of Rennes (the “Rennes plot”).

Although no evidence has been found that he was involved, it is clear that he would have favoured constitutional limitation of the powers of Napoleon, who had in 1799 become the first consul—to all intents and purposes, dictator of France—or even his overthrow. In January 1803 Bonaparte appointed Bernadotte minister to the United States, but Bernadotte delayed his departure because of rumours of approaching war between France and England and remained inactive in Paris for a year. When, on May 18, 1804, Napoleon proclaimed the empire, Bernadotte declared full loyalty to him and, in May, was named marshal of the empire. In June he became the military and civil governor of the electorate of Hanover, and while in office he attempted to set up an equitable system of taxation. This did not prevent him from beginning to accumulate a sizable fortune with the “tributes” he received from Hanover and the Hanseatic city of Bremen.

Marshal Bernadotte, Prince de Ponte-Corvo. Painted by Joseph Nicolas Jouy, after François-Joseph Kinson
  In 1805 Bernadotte was given command of the I Army Corps during the Austrian campaign. Difficulties delayed his march toward Vienna, and in the battle at Austerlitz, in which Napoleon defeated the combined Russo-Austrian forces, the corps played a dramatic but somewhat minor role. Napoleon gave Bernadotte command of the occupation of Ansbach (1806) and in the same year made him prince of Ponte-Corvo.

In July 1807 Bernadotte was named governor of the occupied Hanseatic cities of northern Germany. In the Battle of Wagram, in which the French defeated the Austrians, he lost more than one-third of his soldiers and then returned to Paris “for reasons of health” but obviously in deep disfavour. Napoleon, however, put him in command of the defense of the Netherlands against the threatened British invasion; Bernadotte ably organized the defense. When Bernadotte returned to Paris, political suspicions still surrounded him, and his position remained uncertain.

Despite the distrust of French politicians, however, dramatic new possibilities now opened up to him: he was invited to become crown prince of Sweden. In 1809 a palace revolution had overthrown King Gustav IV of Sweden and had put the aged, childless, and sickly Charles XIII on the throne. The Danish prince Christian August had been elected crown prince but died suddenly in 1810, and the Swedes turned to Napoleon for advice.

The Emperor, however, was reluctant to exert a decisive influence, and the initiative fell to the young Swedish baron Carl Otto Mörner. Mörner approached Bernadotte since he respected his military ability, his skillful and humane administration of Hanover and the Hanseatic towns, and his charitable treatment of Swedish prisoners in Germany.


The Riksdag (diet), influenced by similar considerations, by their regard for French military power, and by financial promises from Bernadotte, abandoned other candidates, and on Aug. 21, 1810, Bernadotte was elected Swedish crown prince. On October 20 he accepted Lutheranism and landed in Sweden; he was adopted as son by Charles XIII and took the name of Charles John (Karl Johan). The Crown Prince at once assumed control of the government and acted officially as regent during the illnesses of Charles XIII. Napoleon now tried to prevent any reorientation of Swedish foreign policy and moreover sent an immediate demand that Sweden declare war on Great Britain; the Swedes had no choice, but, though technically in a state of war between 1810 and 1812, Sweden and Great Britain did not engage in active hostilities. Then, in January 1812, Napoleon suddenly occupied Swedish Pomerania.

Charles John was anxious to achieve something for Sweden that would prove his worth to the Swedes and establish his dynasty in power. He could, as many Swedes wished, have regained Finland from Russia, either by conquest or by negotiation. Political developments, however, prompted another solution, namely the conquest of Norway from Denmark, based on a Swedish alliance with Napoleon’s enemies. An alliance was signed with Russia in April 1812, with Great Britain in March 1813—with the British granting a subsidy for the proposed conquest of Norway—and with Prussia in April 1813. Urged by the allies, however, Charles John agreed to take part in the great campaign against Napoleon and to postpone his war with Denmark. The Crown Prince landed his troops at Stralsund, Ger., in May 1813 and soon took command of the allied army of the north. Although the Swedish troops contributed to the allied successes, Charles John intended to conserve his forces for the war with Denmark, and the Prussians bore the brunt of the fighting.


Karl XIV Johan, king of Sweden and Norway, painted by Fredric Westin
  After the decisive Battle of Leipzig (October 1813), Napoleon’s first great defeat, Charles John succeeded in defeating the Danes in a swift campaign and forced King Frederick VI of Denmark to sign the Treaty of Kiel (January 1814), which transferred Norway to the Swedish crown. Charles John now had dreams of becoming king or “protector” of France, but he had become alienated from the French people, and the victorious allies would not tolerate another soldier in charge of French affairs. Bernadotte’s dream dissolved, and his brief visit to Paris after the armistice was not glorious. New difficulties recalled him to Scandinavia. The Norwegians refused to recognize the Treaty of Kiel, and in May 1814 a Norwegian assembly in Eidsvold, Nor., adopted a liberal constitution. Charles John conducted an efficient and almost bloodless campaign, and in August the Norwegians signed the Convention of Moss, whereby they accepted Charles XIII as king but retained the May constitution. Thus, when force might have imposed any system on the Norwegians (for a time at least), the Crown Prince insisted on a constitutional settlement.

At the Congress of Vienna (1814–15), Austria and the French Bourbons were hostile to the upstart prince, and the son of the deposed Gustav was a potential pretender to the throne. But, thanks to Russian and British support, the status of the new dynasty was undisturbed, and in Sweden its opponents were very few. Upon the death of Charles XIII on Feb. 5, 1818, Charles John became king of Sweden and Norway, and the former republican and revolutionary general became a conservative ruler.


His failure to learn Swedish increased his difficulties, yet his experience, his knowledge, and his magnetic personal charm gave him preponderant political influence. Though blunt in speech, he was cautious and farsighted in action. His foreign policy inaugurated a long and favourable period of peace, based on good relations with Russia and Great Britain. In domestic affairs, farsighted legislation helped the rapid expansion of Swedish agriculture and the Norwegian shipping trade; in Sweden, the famous Göta Canal was completed, postwar financial problems were solved, and during the reign both countries enjoyed a rapid increase in population. On the other hand, the King’s autocratic tendencies, restrictions on the liberty of the press, and his reluctance to introduce liberal reforms in commercial and industrial policy and in the organization of the Swedish Riksdag led to a growing opposition that culminated during the late 1830s with the trial of journalist M.J. Crusenstolpe and the resultant Rabulist riots, leading to some demands for his abdication. In Norway there was opposition to the Swedish predominance within the union and to the royal influence over the legislature. But the King rode out the storms, and the 25th anniversary of his succession to the throne in 1843 was an occasion for successful royalist propaganda and popular acclaim in both Norway and Sweden.

Sten C.O. Carlsson

Encyclopædia Britannica
Invasion of Guadeloupe

The Invasion of Guadeloupe was a British amphibious operation fought between 28 January and 6 February 1810 over control of the Caribbean island of Guadeloupe during the Napoleonic Wars. The island was the final remaining French colony in the Americas, following the systematic invasion and capture of the others during 1809 by British forces. During the Napoleonic Wars, the French colonies had provided protected harbours for French privateers and warships, which could prey on the numerous British trade routes in the Caribbean and then return to the colonies before British warships could react. In response, the British instituted a blockade of the islands, stationing ships off every port and seizing any vessel that tried to enter or leave. With trade and communication made dangerous by the British blockade squadrons, the economies and morale of the French colonies began to collapse, and in the summer of 1808 desperate messages were sent to France requesting aid.

Despite repeated efforts, the French Navy failed to reinforce and resupply the garrison, as their ships were intercepted and defeated either in European waters or in the Caribbean itself. The British had intercepted a number of these messages, and launched a series of successful invasions during 1809, until Guadeloupe was the only French colony remaining. A British expeditionary force landed on 28 January 1810, and found that much of the island's militia garrison had deserted. Advancing from two landing beaches on opposite sides of the island, they were able to rapidly push inland. It was not until they reached Beaupère–St. Louis Ridge outside the capital Basse-Terre that the expeditionary force faced strong opposition, but in a battle lasting for most of 3 February, the French were defeated and driven back. The island's commander, Jean Augustin Ernouf, began surrender negotiations the following day.
The French West Indian colonies during the Napoleonic Wars were almost completely cut off from France due to the British naval strategy of close blockade: squadrons of British Royal Navy warships patrolled the coasts of both France itself and the West Indian islands under French control. This hindered communications, severely restricted trade and prevented the reinforcement of the French garrisons during the conflict. As a result, the colonies began to suffer food shortages, their economies stagnated and public and military morale began to severely erode. In desperation, the commanders of the main colonies, the Leeward Islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe, sent a series of messages to France during the summer of 1808, entreating the French government to send food and military supplies. The French responded with a series of frigates and smaller vessels, sailing to the Caribbean independently or in small squadrons. Some of these ships reached their destinations, but the majority were captured by the Royal Navy blockades off France or the islands. Those few ships that did safely make port were trapped there, unable to make the return journey without risking defeat by the British ships waiting offshore.
Guadeloupe. The invasion forces landed on the southern and western coasts.
The British had intercepted a number of the messages sent to France, and the decision was made to invade and capture the French West Indies before substantial reinforcements could arrive. During the winter of 1808, ships and troops from across the Caribbean began gathering off Barbados under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane and Lieutenant General George Beckwith, with the intention of invading Martinique early in 1809. A smaller force was sent to Cayenne, which was invaded and captured in early January 1809. In late January the invasion of Martinique began, and despite resistance in the central highlands, the island fell to the invaders in 25 days. Cochrane then split his attention, sending a number of ships and men to aid the Spanish in the Siege of Santo Domingo while still maintaining a strong blockade force in the Leeward Islands. In April 1809, a strong reinforcement squadron arrived at the Îles des Saintes, south of Guadeloupe. There they were blockaded until 14 April, when a British force under Major-General Frederick Maitland invaded and captured the islands. In the attempt to escape, the ship of the line Hautpoult was captured and two French frigates were trapped in Basse-Terre on Guadeloupe. In June, the frigates attempted to return to France. Only one of the frigates escaped the blockade squadron, although the escapee was also captured a month later in the North Atlantic.

Subsequent French attempts to supply their one remaining colony on Guadeloupe were minor, most of the brigs sent were seized without reaching the island. The only significant attempt, launched in November 1809, achieved initial success in the destruction of the British frigate HMS Junon on 13 December, but ultimately failed when the two armed storeships, Loire and Seine were destroyed on 18 December in a battle with a British squadron off the southern coast of Guadeloupe. During the autumn and winter, British forces were collected from across the Caribbean at Fort Royal, Martinique, under Cochrane and Beckwith for the invasion of Guadeloupe.

Beckwith mustered 6,700 men from a variety of garrisons and sources, his men belonging to the 3rd, 4th, 6th and 8th West India Regiments, the 1st Foot, 15th Foot, 19th Foot, 25th Foot, 63rd Foot, 90th Foot and the Royal York Rangers, as well as 300 garrison artillerymen and various militia forces. These troops were split into two divisions: the largest, 3,700 men under Beckwith with subordinate command given to Major General Thomas Hislop, was to be deployed at Le Gosier on the island's southern shore. The second division, 2,450 men under Brigadier General George Harcourt, was initially ordered to wait on the Îles des Saintes before being deployed after the main attack to the rear of the French garrison. A small reserve under Brigadier General Charles Wale would follow the main assault to provide support if required. As the French had no significant naval resources on the island, the Royal Navy's contribution was much smaller than that required for the Martinique invasion the year before.

Cochrane attached ships of the line to both divisions, Beckwith sailing in Cochrane's flagship HMS Pompee, accompanied by HMS Abercrombie with Commodore William Charles Fahie, while Harcourt sailed with Commodore Samuel James Ballard in HMS Sceptre. Ballard and Fahie were in command of the transports and smaller vessels that carried the invasion forces and bore responsibility for ensuring that the amphibious landings were successful as well as for any naval units that participated in the land campaign.

The French defenders of the island were weakened by years of isolation caused by the British blockade. Although the available French troops numbered between 3,000 and 4,000, there was an epidemic on the island and a significant proportion of the garrison, principally formed by the 66e Régiment, were unfit for duty. Apart from the capital, the rest of the island's defences were manned by a militia formed from local inhabitants, among whom morale was low and desertion rates high. Military and food stores of all kinds were in short supply and the governor, General Jean Augustin Ernouf was unable to maintain garrisons around the island's extensive perimeter.

After a brief period of consolidation on Dominica, Cochrane and Beckwith sailed for Guadeloupe on 27 January 1810, arriving off Le Gosier in the evening and landing the larger division at the village of Sainte-Marie under the command of Hislop. The division split, with one half marching south towards Basse-Terre and the other north. Neither met serious opposition, the militia forces deserting in large numbers and abandoning their fortifications as the British approached. Messages were sent by the approaching British ordering the surrender of towns and forts, and both forces made rapid progress over the following two days. On 30 January, Ernouf took up a position with his remaining garrison in the Beaupère–St. Louis Ridge highlands that guarded the approaches to Basse-Terre, Hislop forming his men in front of Ernouf's position. Later in the day, Harcourt's men came ashore to the north of Basse-Terre, outflanking the strongest French positions at Trois-Rivières and forcing their withdrawal to Basse-Terre itself.

With his capital coming under bombardment from gun batteries set up by Royal Navy sailors organised into naval brigades, Ernouf marched to meet the British on the plain at Matabar on 3 February. Forming up, Ernouf attacked the British and initially drove them back, before superior numbers forced him to retire after he was outflanked by Wale's force attacking from the north. General Wale was wounded in the attack, in which his men suffered 40 casualties. One eyewitness, an Irish sailor from HMS Alfred, claimed that Ernouf had laid a large land mine along his line of retreat and planned to detonate it as the British advanced but was prevented from doing so when Beckwith spotted the trap and refused to be drawn into it, although this story does not appear in other accounts. While Ernouf was retreating, Commodore Fahie seized the opportunity to attack the undefended town of Basse-Terre, landing with a force of Royal Marines and capturing the town, cutting off Ernouf's route of escape. Isolated and surrounded, the French general requested a truce at 08:00 on 4 February to bury the dead from the battle the day before. This was accepted, and on 5 February he formally surrendered.

British casualties in the operation numbered 52 killed and 250 wounded, with seven men missing. French losses were heavier, in the region of 500–600 casualties throughout the campaign. 3,500 soldiers were captured with their officers, cannon and the French Imperial Eagle of the 66e Régiment. As Napoleon had rescinded the prisoner exchange system previously in place, all of the prisoners would remain in British hands until 1814. The captured eagle was sent to Britain, the first French eagle captured during the Napoleonic Wars.
By 22 February, the nearby Dutch colonies of Sint Maarten, Sint Eustatius and Saba were all persuaded to surrender without a fight by ships sent from Cochrane's fleet.

The British officers were rewarded for their successes: Beckwith remained in the Caribbean until he retired in 1814 from ill-health, while Cochrane and Hislop were promoted. All of the expedition's officers and men were voted the thanks of both Houses of Parliament and ten years later the regiments and ships that participated (or their descendents) were awarded the battle honour Guadaloupe 1810.
Four decades after the operation, it was among the actions recognised by a clasp attached to the Naval General Service Medal and the Military General Service Medal, awarded upon application to all British participants still living in 1847.

Guadeloupe was taken over as a British colony for the remainder of the war, only restored to France after Napoleon's abdication in 1814.

  The following year, during the Hundred Days, Guadeloupe's governor Charles-Alexandre Durand Linois declared for the Emperor once more, requiring another British invasion, although of much smaller size and duration, to restore the monarchy. The fall of Guadeloupe marked the end of the final French territory in the Caribbean; the entire region was now in the hands of either the British or the Spanish, except the independent state of Haiti. The lack of French privateers and warships sparked a boom in trade operations, and the economies of the Caribbean islands experienced a resurgence. It also made a significant reduction in French international trade and had a corresponding effect on the French economy. Finally, the capture of the last French colony struck a decisive blow to the Atlantic slave trade, which had been made illegal by the British government in 1807 and was actively persecuted by the Royal Navy. Without French colonies in the Caribbean, there was no ready market for slaves in the region and the slave trade consequently dried up.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Cavour Camillo

Camillo Benso, count di Cavour, (born August 10, 1810, Turin, Piedmont, French Empire—died June 6, 1861, Turin, Italy), Piedmontese statesman, a conservative whose exploitation of international rivalries and of revolutionary movements brought about the unification of Italy (1861) under the House of Savoy, with himself as the first prime minister of the new kingdom.


Camillo Benso Cavour  by Antonio Ciseri
  Family and early life
The Cavours were an ancient family that had served the House of Savoy as soldiers and officials since the 16th century. Genevan by birth and Calvinist by religion, his mother brought into the Cavour family the influence of Geneva, a city open to all the political, religious, and social movements of the period. The French Revolution imperilled the fortunes of the Cavours because of their close ties with the ancien régime; but Cavour’s father, Michele, reestablished the family in an eminent position in Napoleonic society. Camillo even had as godparents Prince Camillo Borghese—after whom he was named—and Pauline Bonaparte, the Prince’s wife and Napoleon’s favourite sister. At the age of 10 he was enrolled at the Military Academy of Turin. As the younger son who could not hope for the economic and social position that would fall to his elder brother, Camillo saw a brilliant career open up before him under the protection of the court of Charles Albert, prince of Savoy and Piedmont. In 1826 he obtained a commission as lieutenant in the corps of engineers.

During his six years at the academy political ideas began to fascinate him; echoes of the constitutionalist Piedmontese revolution of 1821 reached the school, provoking in some of its members a flash of liberal and national spirit that was, however, immediately extinguished. Among his family, Camillo heard the great issues of the day being discussed: the internal politics of France under the restored Bourbons; the revolt against Turkish repression in Greece; the liberal Decembrist rising in Russia in 1825.

He showed his sympathy, in his usual enthusiastic manner, with the liberals and with personalities such as Benjamin Franklin and Santorre di Santarosa, the famous ill-fated leader of the 1821 revolution in Piedmont, who was also a distant relative. A close friendship with a cadet three years his senior, Baron Severino Cassio, seems to have had a particular influence on his political views. Cassio, suspected of republicanism, imbued Camillo with patriotic ideas.

The Cavour family, greatly disturbed by their son’s association with a cadet holding compromising political views, ordered Camillo to terminate it—not without provoking his indignation and bitterness. This interference of the family was dictated by expediency, for in July 1824 the marchese Michele had obtained for Camillo the appointment as personal page to Charles Albert. His lack of enthusiasm for the court position and his open ridicule of the page-boy’s uniform he was obliged to wear caused a scandal and confirmed the growing suspicions about the rebellious disposition of the young count Cavour. The insulted Charles Albert banished Camillo from court and—vainly—tried to persuade King Charles Felix to strip Camillo of his commission. The episode created an irreparable break between Camillo and the hereditary prince and for about 20 years made it impossible for Cavour to take any part in official political life.


Cavour as Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Sardinia (1850s).
  Development of political ideals
His military career began in the engineers. He was first stationed in Turin, then in various frontier posts, where fortifications were being constructed; yet, wherever he was, Cavour remained dissatisfied. In 1830 he was sent to Genoa, where he met Anna Giustiniani Schiaffino, an ardent advocate of ultrademocratic and republican ideas, whose salon was frequented by many members of the Carbonari, the secret revolutionary society whose guiding force then was Giuseppe Mazzini. Cavour’s fervent radicalism was inspired by his love for Anna Schiaffino and by his renewed friendship with Severino Cassio, now a fellow officer in the engineers at Genoa.

The French revolution of July 1830, which overthrew the last Bourbon, Charles X, and installed Louis-Philippe, “the citizen king,” also played a great part in strengthening Cavour’s revolutionary ardour. Under the direction of Severino Cassio, he studied English in order to follow more easily the newspapers reporting political events in Europe. He was influenced by the liberal ideas of the French writers Benjamin Constant and François Guizot, and his adversaries remained those of his childhood: paternalistic absolutism; legitimist reactionaries representing the landed interests, the aristocracy, and the clergy; and the union of throne and altar. Of necessity this attitude pitted him consciously against the caste to which he belonged.

The influence of the events in France on the temperamental Cavour once again aroused official suspicions, and this time he was subjected to police surveillance. As usual, his father’s intervention helped to avert more serious consequences; in this case he was simply transferred to a remote mountain fort.

It had become obvious, however, that he could no longer remain in the army, from which he resigned in 1831. His father found him a sort of occupation: he was appointed mayor of a village south of Turin and also became the administrator of extensive holdings in the vicinity belonging to his uncles.

Although these modest occupations served to fill his time and to insulate him from his family, they aggravated his despondency over what appeared to be the end of his political ambitions. Social interests began to absorb him: the problems of poverty and of prisoner education became the subjects of his researches. In 1834 he wrote a memoir on poverty in Piedmont, which was published the following year in London in the Report from His Majesty’s Commissioners for inquiring into the Administration and practical Operation of the Poor Laws. A second pamphlet on the history of the Poor Laws in England was edited and published by Cavour in 1835 at Turin.

During those years he was at last able to make his first long-awaited visit to Paris and London, thus widening his knowledge of Europe. He now came to know the two greatest and most advanced Western capitals—both ruled by constitutional and liberal regimes (however much they differed in character) and both attempting to effect the boldest economic and social changes. He took a feverishly active interest in the parliamentary life of England and France; he attended university lectures and visited factories, railways, ports, hospitals, schools, and prisons. The experience he acquired in the two Western capitals and in Geneva set him firmly on the path he had already instinctively chosen: always to follow the “golden mean.” He was repelled equally by the revolutionaries who wished to destroy society through terror in order to construct a better one without realizing that their methods would defile human dignity, and by the reactionaries, who, in blindly opposing all progress, eventually provoked revolutionary uprisings. Rejecting all extremes, he wanted above all to be a good European. Yet Cavour always remained a patriot. When his worth and his great ambition were acknowledged in France and one of his friends invited him to abandon the petty and wretched Piedmont of Charles Albert for a brilliant career in France, Cavour rejected the invitation.

In 1835, after his return from his travels, he began to engage in a fruitful series of enterprises that helped him to accumulate a considerable fortune. He also achieved a certain reputation with his writing. Even without directly facing the question of Italy’s future political structure, all his writings proclaimed social or economic principles that could in no way be reconciled with the prevailing conditions in Italy. Above all, the economic measures and the construction of railroads proposed by Cavour would have transformed the Italy of that period beyond recognition.


Cavour divenne per la prima volta presidente del Consiglio il 4 novembre 1852
Gradually, as the year 1848 drew near and the first gusts of the great revolutionary storm of that year could be felt, Cavour’s interest in politics began once more to dominate all others. This is shown by the chronological sequence of his writings. His transition to politics was completed when King Charles Albert decided to embark on measures of reform and to concede a certain amount of freedom to the press. Cavour took advantage of this to found the newspaper Il Risorgimento, which soon became the champion of increasingly drastic reforms. After taking a leading part in persuading Charles Albert to grant a liberal constitution, Cavour used Il Risorgimento to propagate the idea of an immediate war with Austria (which still ruled Lombardy and Venetia) as a historical necessity. Once elected a member of Parliament in June 1848, however, he assumed an intermediate position between the conservatives and the revolutionaries, thus calling forth the enmity of both left and right.
The war against Austria was undertaken, but developments went against the Piedmontese. This prompted Cavour to offer his services as a volunteer until, on being elected a deputy in the third Legislature (July 1848), he began to fight for the approval of a peace treaty with Austria, although the extremists of the left wanted to continue a war that was, in effect, already lost. The intelligence and expertise he displayed in the debates on financial and military questions gained him a prominent place among the deputies of the majority that supported the right-wing government of Massimo d’Azeglio.
In October 1850, he was offered the post of minister of agriculture and soon became the most active and influential member of the Cabinet. Through a series of treaties with France, Belgium, and England, Cavour attempted to bring about the greatest possible amount of free trade. He also sought to form a network of economic interests with the great powers to pave the way for a political alliance against Austria. His appointment as minister of finance in 1850 was evidence of his growing ambitions.

Cavour now sought to create an alliance between the centre right and the centre left that would form a new majority with greater ability to move toward a policy of secularization and modernization in Piedmont. The alliance, called the connubio (“marriage”), brought about the resignation of d’Azeglio, whose parliamentary standing had been completely destroyed. After vain attempts to restore an effective d’Azeglio ministry, Victor Emmanuel II, who had succeeded his father Charles Albert in 1849, resigned himself to entrusting the formation of a government to Cavour, who from that time (Nov. 4, 1852) until his death was his country’s acknowledged political leader.

The European drama into which Cavour was drawn against his will began in 1854 with the Crimean War (1853–56), which saw France and England allied against Russia in order to defend the integrity of the Turkish territory threatened by Russia’s determination to open the Dardanelles for passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. Victor Emmanuel immediately pledged his help to the French and English representatives. Cavour, whose ministers voted against the Crimean venture, was on the point of being dismissed by the King if he rejected the alliance or of being forced to resign by his colleagues if he accepted it.

Accepting the alliance with customary boldness and self-confidence, he averted dismissal by the King and embarked upon war. The turning point of the war came with the Anglo-French-Sardinian victory that persuaded Austria to cast aside its neutrality and, by means of an ultimatum, force Russia to make peace.

With some difficulty, Cavour secured the participation of the small power of Piedmont in the peace negotiations at the Congress of Paris (1856), at which the greatest European powers were represented. By supporting Napoleon III’s undeclared yet obvious intention to intervene militarily in Italy in the near future and by taking advantage of the general animosity toward Austria, which had joined the allies in the Crimean War only when victory over Russia was assured, Cavour succeeded in proposing the discussion of the Italian problem on the grounds that it was one that threatened European peace. In his view, peace was threatened by Austrian encroachment, papal misgovernment in central Italy, and the autocratic rule of the Spanish Bourbons in southern Italy.

Thus, for the first time, the Italian question was presented for diplomatic consideration in a manner favouring the liberation of the peninsula.

The difficulty was to persuade the two great powers, France and England, to persevere in their support of an anti-Austrian policy on the part of Piedmont.
Garibaldi and Cavour making Italy in a satirical cartoon of 1861.
In Paris, Cavour had occasion to meet and appraise the stature of Europe’s most capable diplomats and to examine the reasons behind the policies of the great powers. He knew full well that it was illusory to hope for the disinterested assistance of Europe in the Italian cause; nevertheless, with his tireless energy and unlimited capacity to take advantage of the most adverse situations, he finally succeeded in winning Napoleon III over to his side. His trump card was the proposition to reestablish France as the leading power on the Continent by an expedition into Italy that would replace Austrian domination of the peninsula with French rule.

Cavour from a carte de visite by Mayer & Pierson, published in 1861.
  At a secret meeting at Plombières in July 1858, Napoleon III and Cavour agreed to provoke a European war against Austria in the following year. At the first suspicions of a secret agreement, the European powers—especially England—began a campaign to prevent the French and Piedmontese from carrying out their intentions, a campaign so intense that Cavour saw himself being dragged toward the brink of personal and national catastrophe. He was saved by an incredible blunder on the part of Austria, which sent an ultimatum threatening war unless Piedmont disarmed at once. The Franco-Piedmontese alliance accordingly came into force, and this time Austria’s superior military power was counterbalanced by the French contribution. Franco-Piedmontese victories followed one after another until Napoleon signed an armistice with Emperor Francis Joseph I at Villafranca in July 1859.

The war had unleashed revolutionary movements in Tuscany, in the duchies of Modena and Parma, and in the papal states between the Po and the Apennines, from Bologna to Cattolica; the ducal rulers had been expelled, as had the papal legates. The armistice seemed to call everything into question, except for Victor Emmanuel’s acquisition of Lombardy, which was a minimal gain compared with Cavour’s dreams of liberating Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic. At Villafranca, Cavour vented his rage and frustration on the King and resigned his office.

Contrary to his usual perception, he realized only later the advantages to be derived from the armistice. The revolutionary landslide in Italy could no longer be checked, nor could the French emperor withdraw from his position as protector of Italian self-determination. After being returned to power by the reluctant king in January 1860, Cavour worked for the annexation of the central duchies that had formerly belonged to the ancient rulers of Piedmont; he was able to do this only by ceding Savoy and Nice to France.

Camillo Benso Cavour
  Unification of Italy
The surrender of Nice to France vastly sharpened the conflict between Cavour and Giuseppe Garibaldi, for Nice was the popular hero’s birthplace. The surrender of Piedmont’s Alpine bulwark could be compensated for only by territorial expansion into central Italy (at the pope’s expense) and into the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. But Cavour, by now the black sheep of European diplomacy for having disturbed its tranquillity too often, was not in a position to take the initiative, even though England now favoured his policy.
It was Garibaldi who resolved the stalemate caused by Cavour’s enforced inactivity. Sailing with his famous Thousand to Sicily, he destroyed Bourbon rule there and in the south. The daring diplomacy of Piedmont and Cavour seemed momentarily to be eclipsed by the military exploits of the red-shirted hero, but more important, there now appeared the first outlines of rivalry between a moderate, monarchist Italy and a revolutionary, republican Italy. The danger of a rupture was averted by the good sense and magnanimity of Garibaldi and by a diplomatic stratagem of Cavour. Cavour, taking up his stance before Europe as the defender of law and order against revolutionary excesses, and before Napoleon as the defender of the last strip of papal territory against attack by Garibaldi, sent an army under Victor Emmanuel across Marche and Umbria in order to check the “hero of the two worlds” and to weld the two Italies into one united kingdom.
There still remained the problem of establishing a capital. Cavour felt that only Rome could be the capital of the new state; but that meant he had to face the most complex problem of his life—that of the position to be assigned to the pope, the head of Catholicism, once Rome had become the capital of Italy. Cavour wholeheartedly accepted the concept of the separation of church and state; in his negotiations with the papacy he became a passionate supporter of the idea. He maintained that the liberty of the church was to be the fulcrum of the renewal of the world, even though this involved the renunciation of its temporal power and the surrender of Rome to the Italian nation. An entirely spiritual church and papacy, he asserted, would revive mankind. Pius IX’s answer to these proposals was negative. But while Cavour was still vigorously promoting his formula of “a free church in a free state,” he fell seriously ill and died, after having formed a nation in 10 years of impassioned and restless activity.

Umberto Marcelli

Encyclopædia Britannica
Queen Louise of Prussia (Louise of Mecklenburg-Strelitz) d. (b. 1776)

Louise's sarcophagus in Charlottenburg Palace
Hofer Andreas, Aust. freedom fighter against Napoleon, executed at Mantua (b. 1767)

Hofer's execution in Mantua

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